mm 


LIBRARY 

University   of 

California 

Irvine 


HEBBEL'S    NIBELUNGEN 


COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY  GERMANIC  STUDIES 
VOL.  III.    No.  I. 


HEBBEL'S  NIBELUNGEN 


ITS  SOURCES,  METHOD,  AND  STYLE 


BY 


ANNINA  PERIAM,   PH.D.,  T)an"toVX 

SOMETIME  FELLOW   IN   GERMANIC   LANGUAGES  AND 
LITERATURES,   COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY 


THE   COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 

THE  MACMILLAN   COMPANY,  AGENTS 

LONDON:  MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LTD. 

1906 

All  rights  reserved 


N7 

D5 


COPYRIGHT,  1906, 
BY  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


S«t  up  and  electrotyped.    Published  June,  1906. 


Nortaooti 

J.  B.  Cashing  &  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


TO 

THE  MEMORY  OF 
MY  MOTHER 


NOTE 

OF  the  many  writers  who  have  attempted  to  make  use  in 
modern  literature  of  the  motives  and  action  of  the  old  story 
of  the  Nibelungs,  which  is  to  the  Germanic  people,  as 
William  Morris  long  ago  pointed  out,  their  true  'Tale  of 
Troy,'  none  has  been  more  successful  in  its  actual  rejuvenes- 
cence than  has  Hebbel,  in  his  dramatic  trilogy  "  Die  Nibe- 
lungen."  On  this  account,  and  because  of  the  place  which  it 
relatively  occupies  among  Hebbel's  works,  the  drama  undoubt- 
edly offers  an  interesting  field  for  investigation.  The  question 
of  the  genesis  and  growth  of  the  trilogy  has  elsewhere  been 
considered,  but  nobody  until  now  has  exhaustively  examined 
the  sources  of  the  material  and  the  attitude  of  the  author  in 
his  use  of  it.  The  present  monograph  has  been  undertaken 
at  a  time  when  increased  attention  is  being  directed  to 
Hebbel  and  his  work,  and  is,  in  my  opinion,  a  distinctly 
valuable  contribution  to  the  rapidly  growing  amount  of 

Hebbel  literature. 

WILLIAM   H.   CARPENTER. 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY,  May,  1906. 


PREFACE 

THE  following  study  was  undertaken  at  the  suggestion  of 
Professor  Calvin  Thomas.  Since  its  inception  many  valuable 
additions  have  been  made  to  Hebbel  literature,  notable 
beyond  all  others  the  editions  of  Hebbel's  works,  journals, 
and  letters  by  Professor  R.  M.  Werner,  which  have  opened 
the  way  for  further  investigations.  Even  a  few  years  ago, 
Hebbel  had  but  a  small  circle  of  admirers,  of  critics,  who 
appreciated  the  significance  of  his  genius.  Now  he  is  begin- 
ning to  come  into  his  own  as  one  of  the  three  greatest  Ger- 
man dramatists  of  the  nineteenth  century.  And,  as  the  ripest 
product  of  his  genius  and  one  of  the  few  dramatic  versions 
of  the  Nibelungen  saga  which  has  found  favor  on  the  stage,1 
Hebbel's  "  Nibelungen  "  offers  an  interesting  field  for  investi- 
gation into  its  sources  and  workmanship.2 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  express  my  gratitude  to  all  of  my 
instructors,  and  particularly  to  thank  Professors  W.  H.  Car- 
penter and  Calvin  Thomas  of  Columbia  University  for  assist- 
ance and  encouragement  in  this  work.  I  desire,  also,  to 
express  my  thanks  to  Professor  Richard  M.  Werner  of  the 
University  of  Lemberg,  Austria,  and  to  Professor  William 
Addison  Hervey  of  Columbia  University  for  valuable  advice 
and  suggestions. 

NEW  YORK,  March  30,  1906. 

1  From  October  1902,  to  October  1903,  the  first  two  parts  of  the  trilogy  were 
played  in  Germany  thirty  times,  the  third  part  twenty  times  ;  from  1863  to  1895, 
the  first  two  parts  were  played  at  the  Burgtheater,  Vienna,  forty-five  times,  the 
third  part  seventeen  times. 

8  The  only  works  on  Hebbel  which  have  thus  far  been  written  in  English  are 
the  doctor's  dissertation  of  Henrietta  Becker  on  Kleist  and  Hebbel  and  the  text 
edition  of  "  Herodes  und  Mariamne  "  by  Edward  Stockton  Meyer,  in  which  the 
editor  gives  a  brief  biography  of  Hebbel  and  a  survey  of  his  works. 

be 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

PACE 

GENESIS  OF  HEBBEL'S  "  NIBELUNGEN  " i 

CHAPTER  II 
HEBBEL'S  CONCEPTION  OF  HIS  DRAMATIC  PROBLEM 16 

CHAPTER  III 

THE  SOURCES  AND  HEBBEL'S  USE  OF  THEM 

1.  The  Nibelungenlied          .  24 

2.  Norse  Myth  and  Saga 55 

3.  Minor  Sources 8l 

CHAPTER  IV 

RELATION  TO  PREDECESSORS  AND  CRITICS 

1.  Raupach 98 

2.  Fouque 129 

3.  Geibel 142 

4.  Wagner 148 

5.  Vischer 164 

CHAPTER  V 

SOME  SPECIAL  ASPECTS  OF  HEBBEL'S  WORK 

1.  Inventions        .        . .        .  176 

2.  Treatment  of  Woman 185 

3.  Treatment  of  Religion      .         . 193 

4.  The  Mythical  and  Mystical       ........  206 

CHAPTER  VI 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 213 

xi 


ABBREVIATIONS 


Akv.     ....  Atlakvi)>a. 

Alv Alvissmyl. 

Am Atlamgl. 

Bdr Baldrsdraumar. 

Braunfels  .     .     .  Braunfels,  Nibelungenlied  (translation). 

Brs Brot  af  SigurJ>arkvijx>. 

Bugge  ....  Bugge,  Edda  (edition). 

Busch  ....  Busch,  Deutscher  Volksglaube. 

Bw.  (I.  II.)  .     .  Friedrich  Hebbels  Briefwechsel,  Bamberg. 

C Nibelunglied,  manuscript  C,  Zarncke  edition. 

Dr Drap  Niflunga. 

Fouque     .     .    .  Fouque,  Der  Held  des  Nordens. 

Fj FjolsvinsmQl. 

Fm Fafnesm<Jl. 

Frankl      .    .     .  Frankl,  Zur  Biographic  Friedrich  Hebbels. 

Geibel  ....  Geibel,  Brunhild. 

Gering  ....  Gering,  Edda  (translation). 

Gl Gylfaginning. 

Golther     .    .     .  Golther,  Die  sagengeschichtlichen  Grundlagen  der  Ringdich- 

tung  Richard  Wagners. 

Grimm      .     .     .  Grimm,  Deutsche  Mythologie. 

Grm GrimnesmQl. 

Grp GrfpesspQ. 

G\T.  (I.  II.  III.)  Go>rdnarkvi>a. 

Hdl Hyndloljo)>. 

H.  H.  (I.  II.)    .  Helgakvi^a  Hundingsbana. 

HHv Helgakvi^a  Hjo.rvar}>ssonar. 

Hlr Helreft  Brynhildar. 

HQV HQvamQl. 

Hrbl HarbarfcljoK 

Hym Hymeskvi^a. 

J Jonsson,  Edda  (edition). 

K.  R Hebbel,  Kriemhilds  Rache. 

Kuh     ....  Kuh,  Biographic  Friedrich  Hebbels. 

Kulke  ....  Kulke,  Erinnerungen  an  Friedrich  Hebbel. 

Ls Lokasenna. 

Meyer  ....  Meyer,  Deutsche  Volkskunde. 

Nachl.  (I.  II.)    .  Friedrich  Hebbels  Briefe.     Nachlese,  Werner. 

xiii 


XIV 

Nl Nibelungenlied,  Lachmann  edition. 

Nn Hebbel,  Die  Nibelungen. 

Norn NornagestsJ>attr. 

Od Oddrfinargratr. 

Raupach  .    .     .  Raupach,  Der  Nibelungen-Hort. 

Rm Regensmgl. 

Rb Rigslmla. 

Sd SigrdrifomQl. 

Sf. Fra  dau|>a  SinfJQtla. 

Sfl Siegfriedslied. 

Sg Sigur)>arkviba  en  skamma. 

Simrock    .     .     .  Simrock,  Nibelungenlied  (translation). 

Sk Skaldskaparmal. 

Skm SkirnesmQl. 

S.  T Hebbel,  Siegfrieds  Tod. 

Tgb Hebbels  Tagebiicher,  Werner. 

Thidr Thidrekssaga. 

Vischer     .     .     .  Vischer,  Kritische  Gange. 

Vkv Vojundarkvi>a. 

Vs Volsungasaga. 

Vors Vorspiel. 

Vsp VoJospQ. 

W.  (I.-XII.)      .  Hebbels  Werke,  Werner. 

Wagner     .     .     .  Wagner,  Der  Ring  des  Nibelungen. 

Weinhold      .     .  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben. 

Wuttke     .    .    .  Wuttke,  Der  deutsche  Volksaberglaube  der  Gegenwart. 

The  references  to  the  various  manuscripts  of  Hebbel's  "  Nibelungen  "  are  the 
same  as  those  used  by  Werner,  W.  IV.  341-344. 


HEBBEL'S   NIBELUNGEN 


CHAPTER   I 
GENESIS  OF   HEBBEL'S  "NIBELUNGEN" 

JUST  two  centuries  before  the  publication  of  the  first,  incom- 
plete text  of  the  Nibelungenlied,  Hans  Sachs,  the  great  cobbler- 
bard  of  the  sixteenth  century,  who  sought  themes  for  his  two 
hundred  and  eight  dramas  in  every  field  of  fact  and  fancy,  pub- 
lished his  play,  "Der  hiirnen  Seufrid."  The  drama  drew  its 
material  from  the  two  versions  of  the  Nibelungen  saga  which 
he  knew ;  the  first  five  acts  are  based  upon  the  "  Lied  vom  hiirnen 
Seyfrid,"  *  the  sixth  act  is  based  upon  the  Rosengarten,  with 
probably  a  third  source  for  the  seventh  act  which  contains  an 
account  of  Siegfried's  death  by  Hagen's  hand,  while  he  is  asleep 
beside  a  spring.2  Here  the  dramatic  impulse  toward  the  old 
saga-world  of  the  Nibelungen  begins,  and  here  the  use  of  the 
Siegfriedslied  and  Rosengarten  as  the  basis  for  an  entire  drama 
ends.  But  this  work  is  only  an  isolated  production,  and  does 
not  show  a  general  interest  in  the  old  material. 

Foreign  rule,  foreign  taste  and  influence,  deadened  the  national 
self-consciousness,  and  it  required  an  awakened  spirit  of  inde- 
pendence to  arouse  interest  in  the  great  national  saga.  Not 
until  the  Norse  songs  and  sagas  were  being  edited,  and  the 
Middle  High  German  version  of  the  Nibelungen  story  had  been 
published  in  complete  form,  did  the  material  again  attract  a 
dramatic  poet  to  the  work  of  re-creation.  But  since  Fouque", 
in  1803,  published  in  Friedrich  Schlegel's  Europa,  the  dramatic 
scene,  "Der  gehornte  Siegfried  in  der  Schmiede,"3  not  a  decade 
of  the  nineteenth  century  has  been  without  its  versions  of  the 
saga.  Most  of  these  attempts  at  rejuvenation  have  been  in  the 

1  Printed  in  Nuremberg  about  1530. 

2  "  Der  hurnen  Seufrid,"  Halle,  1880,  pp.  iii.  f. 
8  From  the  "  Lied  vom  hurnen  Seyfrid." 

1 


form  of  dramas ;  among  the  epic  versions  are  the  two  noteworthy 
ones  by  Jordan  and  Morris;  while  at  least  four  attempts  have 
been  made  in  opera,  exclusive  of  Wagner's  music-drama. 

No  other  story  has  so  widely  attracted  and  enlisted  the  creative 
efforts  of  German  poets  as  that  of  the  Nibelungs,  no  other  poem 
has  aroused  so  greatly  the  interest  of  scholars,  writers,  and  public, 
as  the  Nibelungenlied.  The  cause  for  the  tremendous  and  last- 
ing impulse  towards  this  half-buried  saga  treasure  is  not  far  to 
seek.  The  reawakened  national  consciousness  sought  national 
material;  the  Nibelungenlied  is  a  poem  with  but  few  positive 
historical  features,  yet  absolutely  belonging  to  the  race,  with 
setting  and  characters  truly  German;  a  poem  which  invited 
the  research  of  students  and  which  aroused  the  creative  interest 
of  poets  with  the  desire  to  remould  the  old  saga  into  a  form  that 
should  appeal  to  a  modern  audience.  And  since  most  of  the 
adapters  recognized  the  dramatic  spirit  of  the  old  epic,  and,  in- 
deed, of  the  old  saga  as  a  whole,  and  since  the  stage  offers  the 
most  direct  form  of  appeal  to  the  public,  nearly  all  the  attempts 
to  recast  and  arrange  the  material  have  been  in  dramatic 
form.  Even  after  the  northern  versions  of  the  saga  had  become 
available  through  translation,  the  majority  of  the  dramatic 
poets  based  their  work  upon  the  southern  version  as  more  direct 
in  its  appeal  to  people  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

A  list  of  the  various  attempts  to  raise  the  buried  Nibelungen 
hoard  to  modern  view  is  remarkable  rather  for  its  length  than 
for  the  number  of  important  names  which  are  included  among 
the  authors.  Poetasters  as  well  as  poets,  and  unskilled  more 
than  skilled  hands,  have  tried  their  powers  to  lift  the  alluring 
treasure.  Even  now,  scarcely  more  than  a  half-dozen  of  the 
various  attempts  are  known  as  worthy  poetical  productions; 
a  century  from  now  the  numerous  other  versions  will  at  most 
arouse  an  historical  interest  on  the  part  of  the  investigator.  The 
names  of  Fouque",  Wagner,  Geibel,  Hebbel,  Jordan,  and  Morris 
will  always  be  connected  with  the  part  that  they  played  in  re- 
juvenating the  old  saga,  but  of  these  real  literary  and  human 
interest  will  probably  continue  to  attach  alone  to  the  music- 
drama  of  Richard  Wagner,  "Der  Ring  des  Nibelungen,"  to  the 
trilogy  of  Friedrich  Hebbel,  "Die  Nibelungen,"  and  to  the  epic 


3 

of  William  Morris,  "The  Story  of  Sigurd  the  Volsung  and  the 
Fall  of  the  Niblungs." 

Each  of  these  three  poets  had  a  frankly  different  attitude 
toward  his  material,  and  a  different  ideal  and  purpose  in  crea- 
tion. Wagner,  always  with  the  thought  of  music  uppermost, 
wished  to  go  back  to  Germanic  origins  for  his  saga  material,  to 
express  simple  man  in  his  relation  to  Gods  and  nature ;  and  he 
aimed  to  make  the  whole  story  evolve  from  his  favorite  theme, 
redemption  through  love.  Morris  was  solely  inspired  by  the 
Norse  sources,  which  he  knew  so  thoroughly.  He  was  imbued 
with  the  spirit  of  Norse  poetry  and  saga-lore,  and  he  attempted 
to  interpret  and  enlarge  its  greatest  story  for  modern  readers, 
basing  his  work  almost  exclusively  on  the  Volsunga-saga.  Heb- 
bel's undertaking  took  for  its  basis  the  South  German  saga  form. 
For  the  pure  drama,  he  felt  that  the  figures  of  the  Middle  High 
German  epic  were  nearest  to  a  modern  audience  in  human  in- 
terest, and  his  sole  desire  was  to  interpret  them. 

The  purpose  of  the  investigation,  the  results  of  which  are  set 
down  in  the  following  pages,  has  been  to  trace  Hebbel's  sources 
in  the  composition  of  the  "Nibelungen,"  and  to  point  out  the 
nature  and  extent  of  his  indebtedness,  his  attitude  toward  his 
material,  and  the  use  which  he  made  of  it.  Hebbel's  own 
careful  letters  and  his  exact  record  of  details  in  his  journal 
must  always  be  of  first  importance  in  studying  the  origin  of  his 
works  and  the  time  and  manner  of  their  composition.  Pro- 
fessor Werner,  in  his  excellent  introduction  to  the  critical  edition 
of  the  "Nibelungen,"  has  carefully  given  the  account  of  Hebbel's 
progress  in  the  composition  of  the  work,  so  that  it  is  necessary 
here  only  to  summarize  the  genesis  and  growth  of  the  trilogy, 
and  to  add  a  few  details  concerning  its  development  from  a 
youthful  dream  to  a  lasting  monument  of  Hebbel's  creative 
genius. 

Not  until  a  goodly  number  of  dramas  owned  Hebbel  as  their 
author,  not  until  he  had  seen  Christine  Enghaus'  representation 
of  Chriemhild  in  Raupach's  "Nibelungen-Hort,"  did  he  seri- 
ously think  of  the  work  of  production,  and  more  than  six  years 
elapsed  between  the  time  when  Hebbel  wrote  the  first  words  of 
the  "Nibelungen,"  and  the  date  of  its  publication.  Although 


the  period  of  composition  lasted  from  October  1855  to  March  22d, 
1860,  the  actual  work  of  production  covered  a  space  of  but  a 
few  months.  As  in  the  case  of  most  of  Hebbel's  creative  work, 
the  composition  of  the  "Nibelungen"  was  done  at  fever  heat; 
periods  of  rapid  and  enthusiastic  achievement  were  followed  by 
intervals  of  lassitude  and  inertia,  or  by  periods  of  equally  in- 
tense work  on  other  material,  when  the  "Nibelungen"  would  be 
neglected  and  almost  forgotten. 

In  the  course  of  his  progress  on  the  work,  his  plans  changed 
as  to  the  nature  and  length  of  his  composition,  and  it  was  only 
after  he  had  been  forced  to  see  the  lack  of  feasibility  of  doing 
justice  to  his  material  in  a  shorter  space,  after  he  had  completed 
"Siegfrieds  Tod,"  that  he  felt  himself  compelled  to  decide  on 
a  trilogy.  By  the  i8th  of  February,  1857,  he  had  completed 
what  is  now  the  Prologue  and  "Siegfrieds  Tod."  He  regarded 
the  work  with  artistic  satisfaction,  and  was  content  with  the 
clean  manuscript,  with  scarcely  a  word  erased.  In  his  journal 
for  that  date  he  recorded  that  he  looked  with  an  absolutely 
quiet  aesthetic  conscience  at  the  whole,  as  well  as  at  the  detail, 
and  he  recalled  that  moment  when  he  first  drank  in  the  glories 
of  the  old  epic,  a  moment  which  he  later  so  beautifully  recorded 
in  his  dedication  to  the  trilogy.1 

Not  until  the  fall  of  1859,  did  a  sojourn  in  Dresden  and  a  con- 
versation with  Hettner  lead  him  to  return  to  the  work  of  which 
he  had  not  thought  for  two  years.  Suddenly  "Kriemhilds 
Rache"  opened  before  him  in  startling  clearness,  and  he  hastened 
home  to  begin  the  work  with  such  a  storm  of  dramatic  impulse 
as  he  had  not  experienced  since  the  writing  of  "Genoveva,"2 
and  which  made  the  work  of  production  his  greatest  happiness 
on  earth.3  The  first  three  acts  were  composed  at  this  fever 
heat,  and  were  finished  on  the  iyth  of  December.4 

On  the  last  day  of  the  year,  Hebbel  wrote  to  Hettner  in 
appreciative  acknowledgment  of  his  inspiration  to  further 
work,  "rfow  should  I  excuse  the  fact  that  I  left  your  good 
letter  so  long  without  an  answer,  except  by  work  on  the  Nibel- 
ungen, of  which  you  yourself  think  so  kindly  ?  It  did  not  loose 

1  Tgb.  IV.  5555;  cf.  Bw.  I.  345,  57.  *39-          *  Bw.  II.  484- 

JBw.  II.  387,  57;  Nachl.  II.  117.  4Tgb.  IV.  5774;  Bw.  II.  183. 


its  grasp  of  me  until  a  few  days  ago,  or  rather  I  tore  myself  loose 
from  it,  now  that  Volcker  and  Hagen  have  mounted  the  night 
guard,  at  the  end  of  the  third  act."  l 

Sorrow  and  illness  interrupted  his  work  at  this  point,  yet  the 
fourth  act  was  ready  by  the  yth  of  March,  i86o,2  and  with  work 
once  renewed,  the  excitement  of  creative  activity  laid  hold  upon 
him  again,  and  on  the  22d  of  March  he  wrote  the  last  verses  of 
the  trilogy.8 

The  Prologue  and  "Siegfrieds  Tod"  were  already  well 
known  among  Hebbel's  friends ;  he  had  sent  the  manuscript  to 
Laube,  the  theatre  director  at  Vienna,  in  1858,  though  without 
the  desired  results,4  and  Hebbel  felt  that  this  work,  like  all  his 
other  dramas,  was  excluded  from  the  stage  there  on  account  of 
hostile  personal  relations,  rather  than  from  reasons  growing  out 
of  the  works  themselves.5  Now  he  hastened  to  herald  his  com- 
pleted trilogy.  On  the  icth  of  April,  he  sent  it  to  the  Princess 
Hohenlohe,  whose  judgment  he  awaited  with  a  real  anxiety  born 
of  his  respect  for  her  critical  insight,8  and  on  the  ist  of  May  he 
despatched  it  with  a  letter  to  Franz  von  Dingelstedt,  who  had 
long  looked  forward  to  the  presentation  of  the  play  in  Weimar. 
Until  then  Hebbel's  wife  and  the  princess  were  the  only  persons 
who  knew  this  third  part,  "Kriemhilds  Rache."  7 

In  sending  the  manuscript  to  Stern,  Hebbel  wrote,  "In  this 
work  are  the  best  hours  of  the  last  five  years  of  my  life,  and  the 
studies  of  a  decade  and  a  half.  Since  now,  besides  this,  I  have 
the  most  advantageous  material,  I  should  even  look  toward 
immediate  success  with  some  confidence,  if  the  literary  criticism 
of  the  day  were  not  governed  by  principles  which  stand  in  the 
most  decided  opposition  to  all  poetry."  8 

But  Vienna,  as  usual,  offered  a  serious  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
the  desired  success  through  the  stage,  and  at  first  the  poet  had  to 
rely  entirely  upon  the  resources  of  the  Weimar  theatre  to  bring 


1  Cited  by  Dr.  H.  H.  Houben,  Vossische  Zeitung,  Jan.  8,   1905. 

2  Tgb.  IV.  5789. 

•  Ibid.  5798,  5846;  cf.  Bw.  II.  61  f.,  272,  473,  554. 

4  Nachl.  II.  106;  cf.  Bw.  II.  47,  wrongly  dated  Oct.  5,  1857,  instead  of  1859. 

•  Ibid.  119,  cf.  141.  7  Bw.  II.  61. 

•  Bw.  II.  488.  8  Ibid.  508. 


6 

his  trilogy  before  the  public,  for  Franz  Dingelstedt  was  the  first 
director  to  stage  the  "  Nibelungen."  Hebbel  regarded  the  un- 
dertaking with  distrust,  on  account  of  the  meagre  forces  of  the 
Weimar  theatre,  and  he  at  first  refused  to  come  from  Vienna 
for  the  performance.1  Dingelstedt,  too,  feared  the  ten  men's 
r61es,  but  was  determined  to  venture  the  undertaking.  At  the 
Grand  Duke's  command,  Hebbel  was  present  to  see  the  per- 
formance of  "Der  Gehornte  Siegfried"  and  "Siegfrieds  Tod" 
on  January  3ist,  1861.  His  journal  tells  nothing  of  the  pres- 
entation, until  the  closing  entry  for  the  year,  when  he  recorded 
the  pronounced  success  of  the  first  two  pieces,  "the  greatest 
marks  of  honor  on  the  part  of  the  court,  about  which  the  letters 
to  my  wife  contain  details."  2 

On  the  2d  of  February,  he  wrote  to  his  wife  of  the  prosperous 
issue  of  the  performance.  He  had  arrived  in  time  to  attend  the 
last  rehearsal,  and  to  correct  certain  mistakes  of  his  copyist, 
Lettfass.  "The  success  of  the  production  was  indubitable; 
attention,  and  gravelike  stillness,  as  though  it  dealt  with  the 
future  instead  of  the  past,  and  a  pitch  of  feeling  so  firmly  sus- 
tained that  not  even  the  dwarfs  with  their  horrible  humps  and 
long  noses  aroused  the  slightest  laughter.  After  the  finale,  I 
was  summoned  by  the  Grand  Duke  to  his  box,  and  he  thanked 
me  heartily,  as  did  the  Grand  Duchess." 3  On  the  evening  of  the 
2d,  he  read  the  first  and  last  acts  of  "Kriemhilds  Rache"  to  the 
court  and  the  elite  of  Weimar,  joining  the  two  acts  by  a  con- 
necting scene  and  oral  comment.  The  effect  was  extraordinary ; 
the  Grand  Duke  was  a  most  attentive  listener  and  enthusiastic 
in  his  praise.4 

In  May,  Hebbel  made  a  second  journey  to  Weimar,  this  time 
with  his  wife,  who  impersonated  Brunhild  on  the  first  evening, 
May  1 6th,  and  Kriemhild  on  the  second  evening,  May  i8th, 
when  "Kriemhilds  Rache"  was  played  for  the  first  time.  Again, 
the  closing  entry  in  his  journal  for  1861  tells  us  of  this  perform- 
ance. The  Grand  Duke  had  directly  appealed  to  the  Emperor, 
at  Liszt's  suggestion,  and  had  obtained  by  this  means  leave  of 
absence  for  Christine  Hebbel  to  play  in  Weimar.  The  effect  of 

1  Bw.  II.  69,  458.  s  Nachl.  II.  140  f. 

2  Tgb.  IV.  5947.  *  Ibid.  II.  142. 


the  "Nibelungen"  was  extraordinary  and  Christine's  perform- 
ance powerful.1 

Berlin  and  Schwerin  followed  the  example  of  the  Weimar 
theatre,  but  not  until  the  ipth  of  February,  1863,  did  the  Burg- 
theater  in  Vienna  finally  produce  the  Prologue  and  "Siegfrieds 
Tod."  On  the  3ist  of  December,  1862,  Hebbel  noted  with 
delight  in  his  journal  the  sure  appearance  of  the  " Nibelungen" 
hi  Vienna  in  the  near  future.2  He  attended  the  rehearsals,  and 
aided  them  with  his  careful  suggestions.  At  the  first,  he  felt 
that  he  was  not  yet  in  the  kitchen,  but  only  in  the  courtyard 
where  the  vegetables  are  cleaned ;  and  he  had  a  "feeling  of  look- 
ing over  a  proof-sheet  that  teems  with  printer's  errors,  which 
for  the  most  part  have  no  sense,  but  sometimes,  too,  an  ex- 
tremely ludicrous  sense,  at  which  the  author  himself  has  to 
laugh."  3  The  fourth  rehearsal,  he  attended  on  the  i4th  of 
February;4  on  the  lyth,  next  to  the  last  rehearsal.  "For  the 
first  evening,"  he  recorded,  "no  one  is  especially  anxious,  the 
question  is  merely  whether  a  fifth,  a  tenth,  a  fifteenth  will 
follow.  That  depends  upon  whether  the  piece  is  given  time  to 
justify  itself,  and  I  could  almost  believe  in  the  good  will  of  the 
directorate."  5 

On  the  i  Qth,  the  Prologue  and  "Siegfrieds  Tod"  were 
really  produced  on  the  Vienna  stage  to  which  Hebbel  had  looked 
with  such  longing,  and  with  the  feeling  that  Vienna  must  give 
the  decision.6  Hebbel  did  not  attend  the  performance.  He  felt 
that  he  would  have  been  a  second  Saint  Sebastian,  for  he  was 
as  sensitive  to  looks  as  to  darts,  and  he  could  not  be  on  the  stage 
without  wearing  evening  clothes  and  kid  gloves.  This  appealed 
to  him  the  less,  since  it  would  show  too  great  confidence  and 
assurance,  and  since  the  coat  would  turn  into  a  veritable  shirt  of 
Nessus  if  it  was  not  wanted  by  the  third  or  fourth  act.  So  he 
took  his  usual  walk,  and  waited  at  home  until  his  wife  and 
daughter,  with  Glaser,  came  and  announced  a  complete  success. 
On  the  2oth,  he  saw  the  piece  himself,  and  joyfully  reported  in 
his  journal  a  crowded  house,  "great  attention,  not  even  laughter 

1  Tgb.  IV.  5947.  « Tgb.  IV.  6080. 

1  Ibid.  6052.  8  Ibid.  6083. 

8  Ibid.  6078.  •  Cf.  Bw.  II.  281;  Nachl.  II.  219. 


8 

over  the  imitation  of  the  birds'  voices."  *  At  the  third  pres- 
entation, on  the  23d,  the  house  was  again  full,  the  audience  as 
attentive  as  during  mass,  and  all  seats  already  sold  for  the 
fourth  performance.2  On  the  28th,  he  recorded  the  fourth 
performance,  with  a  house  fuller  than  ever  before.  But  Hebbel 
was  again  suspicious  of  the  good  will  of  the  management,  and 
angry  at  Laube  for  declaring  that  the  "Nibelungen"  was  no 
drama,  and  was  only  retained  on  the  stage  on  account  of  the 
portrayer  of  Kriemhild.  Hebbel  recorded  no  further  perform- 
ance than  the  tenth  on  the  i8th  of  June,  although  the  first  two 
parts  were  produced  again,  once  in  September,  and  twice  in 
November,  i863-3  But  the  poet  did  not  live  to  see  a  perform- 
ance of  the  entire  trilogy  upon  the  Vienna  stage. 

Hebbel's  delight  and  surprise  at  the  stage  success  of  his  latest 
work  found  expression  in  a  letter  to  a  critic  friend  in  which  he 
wrote  of  its  reception  in  Weimar,  Schwerin,  Berlin,  and  Vienna, 
and  added:  "These  are  the  facts,  .  .  .  what  is  their  reason?  Is 
it  the  fresh,  healthy  atmosphere  which  still  streams  from  the  old 
epic  into  my  rendering?  Is  the  national  sense  at  last  awaken- 
ing in  the  German  nation,  and  making  it  love  to  tarry  with  the 
struggles  and  combats  of  its  ancestors  ? "  4 

At  first,  the  printing  of  the  "Nibelungen"  was  delayed  be- 
cause Hebbel  had  no  suitable  publisher  in  view.  The  Jahrbuch 
Deutscher  Belletristik,  edited  by  Siegfried  Kapper,  in  Prague, 
had  published  "Die  Nibelungen.  Eine  Tragodie  von  Friedrich 
Hebbel.  Erster  Act.  Erste  Scene,"  in  1856;  that  is,  lines 
52-265  of  the  present  drama,  and  Westermann's  Jahrbuch  der 
illustrierten  Deutschen  Monatshe]te  for  the  year  1861  had 
printed  "Die  Werbung.  Fragment  aus  Friedrich  Hebbels 
Nibelungen,"  which  includes  verses  797-940^  but  except  for 
these  small  portions  of  the  text,  the  trilogy  remained  for  some 
time  in  manuscript  form.  In  October  1861,  Hebbel  made  a 
trip  to  Hamburg  and  there,  after  considerable  delay,  sold  the 
"Nibelungen"  to  Campe  with  the  condition  that  Hebbel  re- 
tained the  right  to  include  the  drama  in  the  complete  edition  of 


1  Tgb.  IV.  6084.  2  Ibid.  6087.  «  Ibid.  6163,  and  note. 

4  March  30,  1863,  Vossische  Zeitung,  Jan.  8,  1905.        *  Cf.  W.  IV.  345. 


9 

his  works.1  The  printing  began  in  January  1862,  in  Vienna, 
under  Campe's  nephew,  A.  Holzhausen,  to  whom  Hebbel  gave 
the  manuscript  in  December  1861. 

On  the  2Qth  of  January,  he  wrote  to  Campe  that  he  had  just 
corrected  the  first  sheets  of  "Kriemhilds  Rache."  "This  much 
is  certain,  I  have  never  spent  so  much  work  on  a  production  as 
on  this ;  I  cannot  have  done  with  it,  it  hangs  fast  to  me  like  a 
polyp  with  a  thousand  arms,  and  so  at  least  I  do  not  let  industry 
and  toil  be  wanting,  but  test  every  verse  as  the  money  changer 
does  a  ducat."  3 

On  the  3ist  of  January,  1862,  Hebbel  could  write  to  Adolf 
Stern,  that  the  last  proof  of  the  volume  lay  before  him.  On  the 
29th  of  February,  he  sent  to  Campe  the  "  prologue  or  epilogue," 
which  the  latter  had  demanded,  but  which  was  left  unprinted. 
This  is  presumably  the  foreword,  "An  den  geneigten  Leser," 
which  appears  in  all  collected  editions  of  Hebbel's  works.  The 
printing  was  at  this  time  entirely  finished,  and  Hebbel  wrote  to 
Campe  with  mock  delight  his  joy  in  being  at  last  author  of  a 
two-volume  work.3  On  the  loth  of  November,  1863,  one  month 
before  his  death,  Hebbel  experienced  the  happiness  of  being 
the  first  poet  to  receive  the  Schiller  prize  for  the  best  drama  in 
three  years. 

The  "Nibelungen"  called  forth  a  storm  of  criticism,  par- 
ticularly after  the  work  appeared  hi  book  form,  but  it  won 
over  to  Hebbel  some  of  the  critics  who  had  formerly  been  most 
severe  in  their  attitude  toward  him.  In  Weimar  sounded  the 
first  praise,  since  in  Weimar  the  piece  first  became  public.  The 
Grand  Duke  was  enthusiastic  in  his  expressions  of  admiration 
to  Hebbel:  "I  consider  the  Nibelungen  the  highest  literary  pro- 
duction in  Germany  since  Goethe  and  Schiller;  as  a  German 
prince  I  am  proud  that  such  a  work  could  appear  in  my  time, 
and  rejoice  with  all  my  heart  that  I  was  permitted  to  hear  it 
first " ;  and,  to  Hebbel's  deprecating  remark  that  he  was  only 
the  interpreter  of  one  higher,  he  replied,  "You  interpret  your- 
self," and  Councillor  Scholl,  previously  an  opponent  of  Hebbel, 
added,  "At  least,  there  is  no  other  interpreter  like  you  in  the 

1  Tgb.  IV.  5947.  75;   cf.  Nachl.  II.  168. 

2  Nachl.  II.  204.    "  3  Ibid.  207. 


10 

world." l  And  Privy  Councillor  Vogel,  Goethe's  physician, 
extravagantly  exclaimed  to  him  at  the  court  ball,  "Here  is  more 
than  Goethe ;  he  himself  would  have  said :  I  say,  Vogel,  that  is 
a  fellow,  he  could  crush  your  ribs  to  pieces."  2  Scholl  later 
wrote  an  article  on  the  "Nibelungen"  for  the  Augsburger  Allge- 
meine  Zeitung  which,  however,  was  refused  and  its  place  taken, 
as  Hebbel  wrathfully  declared,  by  "two  lines  of  praise,  in  order 
to  give  an  opportunity  to  add,  in  a  note,  a  half  page  of  perfidious 
misrepresentations,"  3  and  he  recorded  in  his  journal  that  Baron 
von  Cotta  had  excused  himself  for  not  publishing  Scholl's  criti- 
cism on  the  grounds  that  he  did  not  want  to  arouse  Geibel 
further,  and  antagonize  him,  for  he  was  already  so  dissatisfied 
and  scarcely  respected  decorum.4 

Dingelstedt  had  written  his  approval  of  the  first  parts  of  the 
trilogy  in  1859,  two  months  after  Hebbel  had  sent  the  manu- 
script to  Weimar,  and  he  had  urged  him  to  hasten  the  comple- 
tion of  "Kriemhilds  Rache."  "You  have  sent  me,  dear  friend, 
a  most  excellent  work,  in  which  poet  and  material  so  completely 
supplement  each  other  that  a  really  wonderful  total  impression 
is  produced.  Not  enough  that  you  pick  out  of  the  broad  epic 
shell  the  dramatic  kernel  clean  and  round,  you  assimilate  so 
forcefully  the  subject  which  still  lies  far  from  us  that  it  ceases  to 
be  alien  to  us;  we  can  live  with  these  knights,  we  understand 
them,  they  are  even  stageworthy.  Thus  even  the  theatrical 
effect  is  beyond  all  doubt;  a  few  unimportant  omissions  and 
the  piece  can  be  staged.  Yes,  you  have  treated  the  question- 
able incident  of  the  bridal-night  mystery,  a  terror  for  all  modest 
muses,  with  infinitely  greater  tenderness,  discretion,  and  purity 
than  all  your  pious  and  'temperate'  predecessors."  5  The  last 
part  of  the  trilogy  pleased  him  less.  He  feared  that  Kriemhild, 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  theatre  public,  would  lose  in  interest 
on  the  second  evening,  while  she  stood  in  the  foreground  on  the 
first.  Then,  too,  the  lack  of  progressive  action,  of  movement, 
of  tension,  would  be  pointed  out.  But  he  recognized  that  a  con- 
clusion could  be  nothing  but  a  conclusion,  and  he  hoped  much 


1  Nachl.  II.  143.  2  Tgb.  IV.  5947. 

3  Nachl.  II.  250  f.  *  Tgb.  IV.  6037.  5  Bw.  II.  58. 


11 

from  the  scenic  picture  which  the  fifth  act  would  make,  with 
its  grandeur  and  its  somewhat  epic  breadth.1 

Eduard  Kulke,  who,  to  a  certain  extent,  replaced  Emil  Kuh 
as  a  disciple  of  Hebbel  during  the  last  years  of  the  poet's  life, 
and  who  had  heard  Hebbel  read  "Kriemhilds  Rache,"  though 
without  knowing  the  first  two  parts  of  the  trilogy,  was  so  over- 
powered by  the  impression  that  he  could  not  give  utterance  to  a 
sound.  "  In  reality,  the  effect  was  so  mighty,  so  overwhelming, 
that  I  should  have  seemed  to  myself  small  and  ridiculous,  had  I 
wanted  then  to  attempt  to  give  words  to  the  impression."  2 

Hettner,  too,  was  hearty  in  his  praise.  "It  would  be  pre- 
sumptuous," he  wrote,  "  were  I  to  pronounce  a  fixed  judgment 
now,  after  the  first  impression.  For  to-day,  I  confine  myself 
simply  to  an  expression  of  my  heartiest  thanks  to  you  for  the 
great  pleasure  which  you  have  given  me.  What  poet  can  imitate 
the  great  forms  of  Hagen  and  Kriemhild,  this  fierce  energy  and 
this  ungovernable  passion !  Then,  too,  I  find  the  laconic  nig- 
gardliness which  you  have  retained  in  the  Nibelungen  characters 
excellent;  Siegfried  is  especially  masterly  in  this  respect.  The 
historic  background,  the  way  in  which  these  heroes  are  healthy 
heathen  and  only  unwillingly  adjust  themselves  to  the  customs 
of  Christianity,  has  something  of  the  original  power  of  things ; 
you  have  succeeded  here  in  gaining  powerful  motives.  Only 
occasionally  —  you  will  permit  an  old  friend  this  question  —  it 
seemed  to  me  in  the  last  piece  that  the  epic  had  not  entirely  gone 
over  into  the  dramatic.  But  I  will  first  await  renewed  reading  in 
book  form,  which  I  hope  will  soon  appear,  before  I  consider  this 
opinion  as  grounded  or  repudiated."  3  Hebbel  replied  in  frank 
acceptation  of  this  criticism,  "You  are  very  right  that  in  Kriem- 
hilds Rache  the  epic  has  not  everywhere  gone  over  into  the 
dramatic,  especially  not,  I  think,  in  the  second  act.  But  it  does 
not  disturb  on  the  stage,  if  one  only  cuts  vigorously."  4 

Friedrich  von  Uechtritz,  like  Dingelstedt,  had  known  the 
Prologue  and  "  Siegfrieds  Tod  "  before  the  third  part  of  the 
trilogy  was  written.  Hebbel  had  sent  him  the  first  scene  when 
it  appeared  in  the  Jahrbuch  Deutscher  Belletristik,  and  with  it 
the  scenes  from  Geibel's  "  Brunhild,"  which  appeared  in  the 
1  Bw.  II.  62.  2  Ibid.  541.  3  Ibid.  391  f.  4  Ibid.  393. 


12 

same  volume.  Uechtritz  found  Volker's  account  of  Brunhild 
especially  beautiful,  but  at  Siegfried's  entrance  he  felt  the  diffi- 
culty of  dramatizing  the  old  poem  in  the  naive  grandeur  and  yet 
elastic  indefiniteness  of  its  outlines.  He  feared  that  Siegfried's 
challenge  to  Gunther  to  fight  with  him  for  his  kingdom  had 
attained  a  different  and  a  less  naively  heroic  character  through 
the  more  definite,  motivated  expression  which  the  drama  gave 
it,  and  that  it  had  lost  in  heroic  naturalness.  But  his  chief 
objection  was  to  Hebbel's  representation  of  Hagen  as  a  character 
utterly  out  of  sympathy  with  all  Christian  observances.1  This 
criticism  of  Uechtritz  convinced  Hebbel  that  he  had  made  a  mis- 
take in  printing  a  fragment,  and  he  sent  his  friend  at  once  a  part 
of  the  concluding  scene  in  the  cathedral,  after  Siegfried's  death, 
which  satisfied  Uechtritz  that  Hebbel  was  not  incorporating  too 
strong  a  hatred  of  Christianity  in  the  characters  of  his  drama.2 
When  the  trilogy  was  printed,  Hebbel  sent  a  copy  to  this  old 
friend,  and  Uechtritz  replied  with  a  long  letter  of  criticism  in 
which  he  questioned  certain  lines  that  were  not  clear  to  him,  or 
that  he  thought  needed  explanation.  "  But  these  little  diffi- 
culties," he  wrote,  "  (especially  at  the  second  reading,  where 
their  number  was  notably  decreased  with  penetrating  compre- 
hension) can  come  into  but  minor  consideration  before  the 
powerful  total  impression  of  your  poem.  To  note  at  once, 
cursorily,  what  I  most  admire,  I  mention,  before  all  else,  the 
form  of  Hagen,  so  largely  conceived  and  carried  out,  then  the 
masterly  manner  in  which  you  have  succeeded  in  solving  the 
extremely  difficult  task  of  the  dramatic  grouping  of  the  long 
battle  in  the  second  part  (which  in  itself  is  so  much  the  rather 
epic  and  undramatic) ;  further,  the  tragic  impression  of  fidelity 
with  which  the  Nibelungen  —  especially  the  very  engaging 
figure  of  Giselher  —  flock  about  the  sinister  Hagen.  You  have 
also  succeeded  most  admirably  in  the  entire  fantastic  and 
romantic  part  of  the  poem,  the  conception  and  delineation  of 
Brunhild,  that  of  the  dwarfs,  the  Huns,  and  so  forth."  He 
praised  Hebbel's  inventions  and  additions,  and  the  manner  in 
which  he  had  overcome  many  difficulties  presented  by  the  poem. 
And  he  assured  him  that  every  objection  which  could  be  made 

1  Bw.  II.  240  f.  2  Ibid.  247  f. 


13 

in  the  matter  of  details  disappeared  in  the  deeply  tragic  effect 
of  the  whole.1 

Ludwig  August  Frankl,  the  editor  of  the  Vienna  Sonntags- 
blatter,  and  a  friend  of  Hebbel,  was,  according  to  his  own  account, 
less  enthusiastic  in  his  praise  of  Hebbel's  last  drama.  He  told 
the  poet  that  he  did  not  place  it  above  his  "  Judith,"  his  "  Maria 
Magdalena,"  and  his  "Herodes  und  Mariamne."  He  ex- 
plained to  him  his  point  of  view  by  imagining  a  sculptor  who 
took  the  figures  of  a  relief  and  translated  them  into  statuary. 
That  is,  he  considered  the  forms  and  the  actions  of  the  old  epic 
too  definitely  and  skilfully  given  to  allow  a  scope  for  real  creative 
art  in  bringing  them  into  the  realm  of  drama.  Of  "  Kriemhilds 
Rache,"  only  the  first  act  seemed  to  him  carried  out  with  a  force 
equal  to  that  in  "Siegfrieds  Tod,"  a  fault  which  he  attributed  to 
the  increasing  dramatic  intractability  of  the  material.2 

On  his  trip  to  England,  in  the  summer  of  1862,  Hebbel  passed 
through  Stuttgart,  and  there  saw  Eduard  Morike,  to  whom  he 
had  sent  a  copy  of  the  "  Nibelungen."  Hebbel's  journal 
records  Morike's  expressed  opinion:  "With  your  Nibelungen 
it  seemed  to  me  as  though  suddenly  a  piece  of  rock  had  fallen 
through  the  roof.  There  is  the  sofa,  there  I  lay,  there  I  felt  the 
thrill  which  is  only  called  forth  by  that  which  is  great  and  at  the 
same  time  beautiful,  there  I  felt  the  cobweb  threads  creeping 
over  my  face  and  cried  out  time  after  time :  and  such  a  man 
considers  you  worthy  to  send  you  such  a  work?"  3 

Gervinus,  the  historian  of  literature,  wrote  in  appreciative 
praise  of  Hebbel,  compared  with  other  dramatists  of  his  time: 
"At  the  first  glance  into  the  Prologue,"  he  declared,  "it  must 
forcibly  impress  every  one  who  has  in  mind  the  mass  of  dramatic 
works  of  most  recent  time,  what  an  almost  surprising  con- 
trast this  fulness  of  matter,  of  comprehensible  features,  of 
tangible  actions,  forms  to  the  wonted  rhetorical  delineation 
which,  in  the  principal  work  of  the  dramatist,  his  characteriza- 
tion, usually  does  not  go  beyond  the  empty  words."  But 
Gervinus  was  not  convinced  that  the  figures  of  the  old  epic 
could  be  brought  on  the  stage,  and  though  he  did  not  express 
this  opinion  as  final,  we  have  no  record  of  a  more  thorough 
1  Bw.  II.  286-288.  *  Frankl.  47  f.  »  Tgb.  IV.  6038. 


14 

criticism  of  the  trilogy  after  he  had  completed  reading  the 
second  part.1 

Klaus  Groth,  the  Holstein  poet,  who  stood  in  most  friendly 
relations  with  Hebbel,  wrote:  "I  read  your  Nibelungen  in 
May.  It  has  taken  hold  of  me,  and  refreshed  me.  Serious 
work  in  the  field  of  art  does  one  good  in  itself,  not  looking  to  the 
right  nor  the  left,  not  casting  off  a  single  particle  for  the  passions 
of  the  time,  not  stroking  or  scratching;  where  is  it  still  to  be 
found?  This  joy  of  sinking  oneself  in  the  subject  without 
ever  stretching  out  one's  head  and  making  a  friendly  face  to  the 
public,  it  purifies  the  reader  and  banishes  the  unclean  at  the 
outset.  'Leave  all  uncleanness  behind,  ye  who  enter  here!' 
You  have  again  unravelled  for  me  new  secrets  of  the  human 
breast  in  this  your  work  of  art.  The  light  of  genius  has  flashed 
for  me  in  the  dark  depths  of  a  lost  age.  The  fixed  Norse  myth 
has  melted  for  me,  its  figures  have  become  newly  comprehensible 
to  me.  Of  the  dramatic,  I  do  not  speak  to  you  (that  I  would  do 
if  I  had  written  a  drama  myself) ;  I  only  speak  of  that  of  which 
I  have  proved  my  understanding."  2 

These  are  some  of  the  principal  expressions  of  criticism  which 
Hebbel  received  from  that  literary  circle  which  stood  nearest 
to  him,  but  the  press  also  received  his  work  as  no  work  of  his 
had  ever  been  received  before,  and  amidst  much  unintelligent  and 
overharsh  criticism  arose  the  appreciative  analyses  and  just  es- 
timates of  such  men  as  Strodtmann  and  Kiihne,3  so  that  Hebbel 
could  be  well  contented  with  the  critical  treatment  of  his  work 
and  could  write  to  Uechtritz,  on  the  25th  of  October,  1862: 
"More  than  thirty  criticisms  are  already  before  me,  among 
them  some  very  long  and  detailed  articles,  and  all,  however 
different  in  other  respects,  unite  in  taking  the  matter  seriously; 
praise  which  was  formerly  a  matter  of  course,  but  for  which 
nowadays  a  critic  but  seldom  strives.  In  general,  the  apprecia- 
tive recognition  greatly  preponderates."  4 

The  drama  which  had  cost  Hebbel  many  hours  of  discourage- 
ment and  apprehension,  as  well  as  hours  of  confidence  and  joy, 
the  drama  which  he  had  declared  would  be  either  his  greatest 

1  Bw.  I.  457.  «  Cf.  Bw.  II.  289  f.  547;  Nachl.  II.  245. 

1  Ibid.  II.  461.  4  Bw.  II.  289  f. 


15 

deed,  or  his  greatest  folly,  which  he  felt  had  brought  him  to  the 
turning  point  where  would  be  decided  whether  Heine's  words 
condemning  him  to  isolation  would  hold  good  for  all  time,1  this 
drama  brought  to  the  closing  days  of  Hebbel's  life  the  praise 
and  acclaim  which  had  hitherto  been  granted  him  so  sparingly. 
The  last  of  the  yearly  records  in  his  journal,  December  31,  1862, 
shows  the  happiness  in  his  family  circle,  the  joy  in  recognition, 
which  were  to  brighten  and  cheer  the  months  of  suffering  that 
followed:  "God  be  thanked,  I  can  say  of  this  year  that  it  has 
been  passed  in  health  except  for  slight  disturbances,  health  for 
wife  and  child,  health  for  me.  .  .  .  The  Nibelungen  has  greater 
success  than  ever  a  work  of  mine  before,  in  the  press,  as  well  as 
in  the  theatre.  Quite  contrary  to  my  expectations,  so  much  so, 
that  not  even  in  the  farthest  corner  of  my  heart  was  hidden  a 
silent  hope  which  divined  it.  To  cease,  to  hang  the  bagpipe  on 
the  nail,  would  now  perhaps  be  best."  2 

1  Nachl.  II.  208.      "  Heine  said  in  the  fall  of  1843  .  .  .   '  I  ought  really  to 
be  vexed  with  you ;  I  predicted  the  end  of  the  artistic  period,  and  you  begin  a 
new  one.   But  you  are  punished  enough;  Lessing  was  lonely,  you  will  be  much 
more  lonely.'" 

2  Tgb.  IV.  6052. 


CHAPTER   II 

HEBBEL'S    CONCEPTION    OF    HIS    DRAMATIC 
PROBLEM 

HEBBEL  set  down  in  his  foreword,  "  To  the  Gentle  Reader,"  his 
own  attitude  toward  the  Nibelungenlied  as  a  source.  "  To  fol- 
low him  [the  creator  of  the  Nibelungenlied]  at  every  step  and 
turn,  with  proper  reverence  for  his  intentions,  so  far  as  the  dif- 
ference between  the  epic  and  dramatic  form  at  all  permitted, 
seemed  to  be  at  once  the  author's  duty  and  glory,  and  only  in 
the  case  of  the  obvious  gaps  to  which  the  historian  of  our  national 
literature  [Gervinus]  had  already  pointed  with  fine  sense,  and 
strong  emphasis,  did  he  of  necessity  go  back  to  the  older  sources, 
and  to  the  historical  supplements.  .  .  .  Accordingly,  all  the 
situations  [Momente]  of  the  tragedy  are  given  by  the  epic  itself, 
even  though  often,  (as  could  not  fail  to  be  the  case,  considering 
the  changeful  history  of  the  old  poem),  in  confused  and  scattered 
form  or  in  utmost  brevity.  .  .  .  The  gentle  reader  is  requested 
also  to  seek  nothing  in  the  tragedy  behind  the  '  Nibelungen  Noth ' 
except  just  'the  Nibelungen  Noth'  itself  and  to  excuse  this  re- 
quest most  kindly  by  the  circumstances."  l  Again,  in  a  letter  to 
Campe,  Hebbel  wrote,  "I  keep  absolutely  to  the  Nibelungen- 
lied, and  supplement  it  only  where  it  has  gaps."  2  His  purpose 
was  to  "fuse  the  dramatic  treasure  of  the  Nibelungenlied  for  the 
actual  stage,  not,  however,  to  unravel  the  poetically  mystical 
content  of  the  old  Norse  saga-cycle  to  which  it  belongs,  or  even 
to  illustrate  some  new  problem  of  life";  his  task  was  simply  to 
mould  the  events  of  the  epic  into  a  dramatic  chain  and  to  in- 
spire them  with  new  poetic  life  wherever  necessary.1 

1  W.  IV,  341  ff.,  and  cf.  Bw.  II,  68:  Ich  wollte  dem  Publikum  bloss  das 
grosse  National-Epos  ohne  eigene  Zuthat  dramatisch  naher  riicken. 

2  Nachl.  II.  117. 

16 


17 

Thus  Hebbel  has  himself  clearly  stated  his  indebtedness  to  his 
principal  source,  and  his  intentions  in  so  far  as  his  own  compo- 
sition was  concerned.  He  spoke  of  his  work  during  its  compo- 
sition as  a  bold  undertaking  at  which  he  shuddered  in  sober 
hours,  and  of  composing  as  "an  intermediate  thing  between 
dreamingand  somnambulism,  which  one  must  take  asit  comes."1 
Again,  he  wrote  of  his  "dramatic  piece  of  daring"  which  he 
sometimes  compared  to  Siegfried's  journey  to  Isenland.2  The 
Nibelungenlied  seemed  to  him,  the  more  he  worked  with  it, 
like  a  deaf  and  dumb  poem  which  speaks  only  by  means  of 
signs,3  and  this  feeling  he  voiced  in  his  apostrophe  to  the  old 
epic :  — 

Taubstumm  scheinst  Du  mir  zwar,  Du  redest  ofter  durch  Zeichen 
Oder  Geberden,  als  durch  unser  geschmeidiges  Wort, 
Ja,  Du  bedienst  Dich  auch  dann  noch  des  schlichtesten,  das  Du  nur  findest, 
Aber  ich  nenne  Dich  doch  unser  unsterblichstes  Lied.4 

Of  his  own  share  in  the  production  of  the  drama,  he  usually 
spoke  with  extreme  modesty.  He  was  the  "interpreter  of  one 
higher"  and  wished  to  be  no  more  than  that.  "But  this 
higher  one,"  he  wrote  to  the  Hesperus  Society  in  Vienna,  "the 
poet  of  our  immortal  Nibelungen  epic,  for  which  all  peoples  of 
the  earth  envy  us,  has  a  right  to  be  heard,  and  perhaps  I  have 
succeeded  in  concentrating  and  intensifying  it  in  the  narrower 
and  more  compact  form  of  the  drama,  as  in  a  speaking-trum- 
pet. ...  It  is  not  a  question  of  myself,  but  of  the  great  song 
of  the  German  nation,  of  the  most  powerful  of  all  songs  of  Ger- 
man strength  and  German  fidelity.  ...  At  all  events,  it  cer- 
tainly depends  more  on  the  bird  than  on  the  tree  which  offers 
it  a  perch,  and  this  thrush  has  been  singing  now  for  seven  hun- 
dred years."  5 

Again,  he  repeatedly  compared  the  Nibelungenlied  to  an 
excellent  old  clock  and  himself  to  the  clock-maker  who  had 
cleaned  it  from  cobwebs  and  dust  and  regulated  it.  "Now  it 
marks  the  time  and  strikes  well  again,  but  he  is  not  on  that 

1  Bw.  i.  339.  '  Ibid.  ii.  474-  *  Tgb.  IV.  5405. 

4  W.  VI.  450  f.  published  in  Gutzkow's  Unterhaltungen  am  hauslichen  Herd, 
Leipzig,  1858,  and  in  Strodtmann's  Orion,  Hamburg,  1863. 
1  Nachl.  II.  148. 


18 

account  an  artist,  but  only  an  artisan."  *  Friedrich  von  Uech- 
tritz  protested  that  the  translation  of  an  epic  into  a  drama,  even 
with  the  most  faithful  retention  of  all  the  motives  and  characters, 
is  as  independent  a  work  of  creative  production  as  any  other, 
and  demands  a  spirit  absolutely  equal  to  the  poetic  height  of 
the  epic;  and  he  declared  that  the  difficulty  of  the  work  of 
creation  is  increased  rather  than  diminished  by  the  fidelity 
of  transmission  and  transformation.2  Hebbel  agreed  with  his 
friend  that  a  real  epic  requires  a  poet  as  great  as  its  creator  to 
transpose  it  into  a  drama,  but  he  considered  the  Nibelurigenlied 
not  an  epic  but  a  drama  in  epic  form,  and  its  author  a  dramatist 
in  his  conception,  from  crown  to  toe.  Yet  he  admitted  that  it 
required  "a  dramatic  eye  to  bring  to  its  foundation- walls  the 
great  structure  in  which  the  children  seem  sometimes  to  have 
played  puss-in-the-corner."  8 

"Goethe,"  he  wrote  in  a  letter  to  Baron  von  Schorn,  in  Wei- 
mar, "had  no  reason  to  say  of  his  Gotz  that  he  had  only  suc- 
ceeded in  plucking  the  flowers  of  a  great  life,4  but  I  have  really 
only  brought  together  with  a  perhaps  not  unskilful  hand,  and 
made  comprehensible  the  great  tragedy  which  was  completely 
existent  but  confusedly  scattered.  Of  that  I  was  always  con- 
vinced and  am  only  the  more  so  since  the  production."  5  Yet 
he  rejoiced  in  the  poetic  achievement  which  he  felt  that  his 
"Nibelungen"  really  represented:  "In  it  I  come  nearer  to 
Shakespere  by  five  thousand  degrees,  in  each  of  the  five  acts 
by  one  thousand."  8 

As  the  work  of  composition  progressed,  he  felt  more  and 
more  strongly  the  mistake  made  by  his  predecessors  in  choosing 
portions  of  the  poem,  in  deepening  one  psychological  problem, 
rather  than  representing  the  whole  world-problem.  It  became 
his  fixed  principle  to  leave  out  nothing  that  was  really  essential 
to  the  narrative,  or  to  the  problems  involved.  "Here  it  is  all 
or  nothing."  7  "Absolutely  nothing  can  be  omitted,"  he  wrote 

1  Bw.  II.  280  f.,  391.  *  Ibid.  283.  s  Ibid.  285;  W.  IV.  341. 

4  Cf.  "Dichtung  und  Wahrheit,"  III.,  13.  Buch,  vol.  22.    p.  120,  Hempel 
edition :   "  Man  hatte,  weil  ich  die  Blumen  eines  grossen  Daseins  abzupflucken 
verstand,  mich  fur  einen  sorgfaltigen  Kunstgartner  gehalten." 

5  Nachl.  II.  153.  «  Frankl,  46.  7  Bw.  II.  68;  Tgb.  IV.  5791. 


19 

to  Friedrich  von  Uechtritz;  "in  this  the  poem  differs  from  the 
Homeric  epics;  I  must  therefore  allow  myself  Shakesperian 
liberties  with  respect  to  place  and  time,  which  I  have  elsewhere 
always  regarded  and  avoided  as  the  prerogatives  of  royalty."  1 

The  second  mistake  of  his  predecessors  which  he  tried  to  avoid 
was  the  lack  of  simplicity  in  the  tone  of  their  dramas.  He 
wished  to  find  the  mean  between  the  bas-relief  and  free  nature, 
which  seemed  to  him  absolutely  necessary  with  the  mythical 
figures  of  the  saga.2  With  such  material,  he  felt  that  the 
author  must  "renounce  nine-tenths  of  culture,  and  yet  invest 
the  remainder  with  interest."  "That  is  the  whole  art,"  he  ex- 
claimed, "but  the  gentleman  would  not  subordinate  their  Ego, 
and  did  not  want  to  be  born  in  the  nineteenth  century  for 
naught." 3 

Another  characteristic  of  the  old  poem  which  he  tried  to 
retain  was  the  absolute  humanness  that  he  felt  existed  in  char- 
acters and  motivation.  Again,  in  his  foreword,  he  emphasizes 
the  masterly  manner  in  which  the  epic  poet  has  guarded  him- 
self from  straying  into  the  misty  region  where  his  figures  would 
have  been  transformed  into  allegories,  and  where  magic  agencies 
would  have  taken  the  place  of  generally  accepted  motives :  — 

"It  cannot  be  sufficiently  admired  with  what  artistic  wisdom 
the  great  poet  has  succeeded  in  cutting  off  the  mystical  back- 
ground of  his  poem  from  the  human  world,  which  yet  upon  a 
casual  observation  seems  quite  enmeshed  in  it,  and  how  he  has 
been  able  to  preserve  for  the  human  action  its  full  freedom,  de- 
spite the  gay  swarm  of  enticing  giants  and  dwarfs,  noms  and 
valkyries.  He  needs,  —  to  emphasize  simply  the  two  principal 
points,  —  on  the  one  hand,  for  the  epitasis,  no  double  marriage 
for  his  hero,  and  no  secret  draught  by  which  it  is  brought  about ; 
sufficient  for  him  as  mainspring  is  Brunhild's  unrequited  love, 
which  is  just  as  quickly  suppressed  as  it  is  kindled,  and  is  only 
betrayed  to  the  most  penetrating  judge  of  the  heart  by  her 
precipitate  greeting;  a  love  which  flames  up  again  in  black 
flames  as  envy  of  her  happy  rival,  and  rather  gives  its  object 
over  to  death  at  the  risk  of  everything  than  relinquish  him  to  her. 
But  neither  does  the  poet  on  the  other  hand  overstep  the  line 
1  Bw.  II.  235.  *  Ibid.  532  f.  *  Ibid.  68. 


20 

where  the  human  ceases  and  the  tragic  interest  wanes  at  the 
denouement,  although  he  was  often  censured  for  this,  and  not 
without  apparent  reason;  indeed,  he  does  not  venture  nearly 
so  far  as  .^Eschylus  in  his  Clytemnestra,  who,  incited  by  new 
desires,  defends  far  more,  or  at  least  quite  as  much,  the  pos- 
session of  the  second  husband  she  has  won,  as  she  appeases  the 
shades  of  her  slain  daughter.  For  however  Kriemhild's  deed 
may  horrify  us,  the  poet  leads  up  to  it  slowly,  step  by  step,  not 
disregarding  a  single  one,  and  at  each  one  laying  bare  her  heart 
with  its  endless,  continually  growing  grief,  until  she  reaches  the 
dizzy  summit,  where  she  must  add  the  last  most  monstrous 
sacrifice  to  the  many  which  she  has  made  with  bitter  pain  and 
which  she  can  no  longer  recall,  or  else  must  renounce  the  whole 
reward  of  her  life,  to  the  scorn  of  her  demonic  enemies ;  and  the 
poet  reconciles  us  absolutely  with  her,  in  that  her  own  inner 
suffering,  even  during  the  terrible  act  of  revenge,  is  still  much 
greater  than  the  physical  suffering  which  she  causes  others." 

Thus  Hebbel  conceived  the  altogether  human  atmosphere  of 
the  old  epic,  and  this  he  tried  to  instil  into  his  own  work.  To 
Franz  von  Dingelstedt,  he  wrote  of  the  first  two  parts  of  the 
trilogy,  "Everything  in  my  Nibelungen  is  quite  human,"1  and 
after  he  had  begun  work  on  the  third  part,  he  reiterated  his  feel- 
ing of  wonder  that,  in  spite  of  the  enormity  of  the  material,  every- 
thing arises  from  the  most  human  motives,  if  the  great  scale  of 
the  whole  is  only  not  left  out  of  account.2 

Hebbel's  exposition  to  Hettner  of  the  chief  elements  in  the 
tragic  conflict  again  gives  a  clear  statement  of  the  lines  which 
he  tried  to  follow  in  his  drama.  On  the  last  day  of  the  year 
1859,  he  wrote:  "That  which  gives  me,  even  in  hours  of  dis- 
enchantment in  my  precarious  undertaking,  some  confidence 
in  its  success,  is  the  circumstance  that,  despite  the  gigantic 
measure  of  the  characters,  the  motives  from  which  they  act  are 
so  infinitely  simple  and  follow  so  naturally  in  the  course  of  the 
story,  the  one  from  the  other.  Siegfried  overleaps  the  bounds 
of  nature  and  scarcely  knows  what  he  does  when  he  anoints 
himself  with  the  blood  of  the  dragon  and  makes  himself  invul- 
nerable; what  can  be  simpler,  since  the  opportunity  which  is 
1  Bw.  II.  51.  2  Tgb.  IV.  5754. 


21 

suddenly  offered  to  him  must  be  seized  just  as  suddenly,  if  it 
is  not  to  slip  by  forever?  But,  indeed,  it  is  also  no  less  simple 
that  Hagen,  the  never-vanquished  and  never  cast  down,  who 
otherwise  would  certainly  not  have  shrunk  from  an  honorable 
combat  with  him,  believes  himself  justified  in  a  dishonorable 
course  by  his  inaccessibility.  Indeed,  in  reality,  he  does  the 
same  thing  that  Siegfried  has  done,  even  though  in  another 
sphere,  and  in  another  way.  Here  I  see,  namely,  the  true 
kernel  of  the  tragic  conflict,  and  I  trust  rightly,  since,  on  the 
one  hand,  the  whole  poem  is  wonderfully  illumined  from  this 
point  to  the  furthest  radii,  and  on  the  other  hand  a  girdle  stolen 
in  a  spirit  of  mischief  which  first  of  all  brings  about  a  reckless 
confession  and  then  a  rude  woman's  quarrel,  is  certainly  much 
too  closely  related  to  the  famous  leather  strap  of  a  modern 
tragedy *  with  which  you  so  humorously  thrash  the  back  of  the 
author,  to  be  connected  with  the  downfall  of  a  world.  I  am 
much  inclined  to  set  as  motto  to  my  play  the  verses  from  Ajax :  — 

Denn  iibermass'ge  Leiber  und  unmenschliche 
Sind  stets  verhasst  den  Gottern    (Solger) 

and  thereby  to  recall  the  primitive  point  of  view  of  the  Greeks 
and  its  identity  with  the  Germanic  view  set  forth  in  our  epic. 
Just  so  it  is  with  Kriemhild.  From  her  absolute,  planless, 
even  dreamless  passivity,  which  goes  so  far  that  not  even  her 
child,  Siegfried's  son,  is  anything  to  her,  she  is  aroused  by 
Etzel's  wooing,  she  grasps  his  hand  because  the  mightiest 
sword  in  the  world  gleams  in  it,  and  then  seeks  to  bring  Hagen 
within  her  power,  because  she  does  not  doubt  that  her 
brother,  who,  through  fear  of  his  fury,  did  not  prevent  him 
from  murdering  Siegfried,  can  also  not  prevent  her  from  wreaking 
vengeance  on  him  through  fear  of  Etzel.  The  brother-in-law, 
the  guest,  was  not  safe  with  King  Gunther,  how  should  the 
vassal  be,  and  that  to  the  degree  that  he  would  risk  for  him  life 
and  limb,  even  his  whole  house?  She  is  wrong  and  must  needs 
be  wrong,  for  Hagen  is  no  demigod  as  Siegfried  was;  but  the 
noblest  sacrifices  have  already  fallen  during  the  attempt,  how 
could  she  stop  before  she  had  reached  a  goal  from  which  she 

1  Otto  Ludwig's  "  Erbforster." 


22 

herself  would  have  drawn  back  in  horror  if  she  had  seen  it 
clearly  before  her  at  the  very  beginning?  But  I  shall  cease,  for 
I  have  already  given  you  proof  to  the  point  of  exhaustion  that 
not  merely  the  mouth,  but  the  pen,  too,  overflows  with  the 
'  abundance  of  the  heart.'  Forgive  me ! "  l 

After  the  completion  of  the  trilogy,  Hebbel  declared  that  he 
was  prepared  to  hear  of  "problems"  which  he  had  never  thought 
of,  and  to  learn,  besides,  something  about  "romantic  sympa- 
thies," but  he  hoped  that  the  unprejudiced  person  would  find 
that  he  had  taken,  now  as  always,  the  law  of  the  production 
from  the  subject  itself,  and  that  he  had  sought  to  construct  a 
tragedy  which,  despite  the  necessarily  inseparable  mystical 
background,  was  yet  purely  human  in  all  its  motives.  "For  it 
is  really,  even  though  only  a  few  seem  to  comprehend  it,  some- 
thing very  different  whether  a  work  of  art  is  dipped  in  a  mythical 
coloring,  like  Shakespere's  Tempest,  for  example,  or  whether 
it  is  given  fantastic  wheels  and  springs  as  Kleist  partially  does 
in  his  Kathchen  von  Heilbronn."  2 

In  his  journal  he  recorded  his  conviction  that  on  the  basis  of 
the  necessary  mythical  element,  a  purely  human  tragedy  could 
be  constructed,  and  that  he  had  constructed  it,  in  as  far  as  his 
powers  allowed.  "The  mysticism  of  the  background,"  he 
wrote,  "is  to  remind  at  most  that  in  the  poem  not  the  clock 
which  marks  the  seconds  and  which  measures  off  the  existence 
of  gnats  and  ants  is  striking,  but  only  the  clock  which  marks 
the  hours.  But  let  him  who  is  disturbed  by  the  mythical  basis 
ponder  that  he  has  to  do  with  such  even  in  man  himself,  if  closely 
observed,  and  even  in  the  pure  human  being,  in  the  representa- 
tive of  the  species,  and  not  merely  in  the  still  further  particu- 
larized offshoot  of  it,  in  the  individual.  Or  can  his  principal 
characteristics,  whether  the  physical  or  the  spiritual,  be  ex- 
plained ;  that  is,  from  any  other  organic  canon  than  that  which 
was  given  him  once  for  all,  and  which  is  not  to  be  carried  back 
to  a  last  original  reason  of  things,  or  critically  explained  ?  Are 
they  not  partly,  as,  for  example,  most  of  the  passions,  in  oppo- 
sition to  reason  and  conscience ;  that  is,  to  those  capabilities  of 
man  which,  as  absolutely  general  and  uninteresting  ones,  may 

1  Vossische  Zeitung,  Jan.  8,  1905.  2  Bw.  II.  509. 


23 

most  surely  be  termed  those  that  join  him  immediately  with  the 
universe,  and  has  this  opposition  ever  been  checked?  Why 
then  deny  in  art  an  act,  upon  which  even  the  observation  of 
nature  rests  ?  "  l  Hebbel  felt,  then,  that  in  his  tragedy  he  was, 
to  a  certain  extent,  giving  form  and  expression  to  the  unseen, 
unknown  elements  which  govern  human  lives. 

*  Tgb.  IV.  5933. 


CHAPTER   III 
THE   SOURCES   AND   HEBBEL'S   USE   OF   THEM 

I.      THE  NIBELUNGENLEED 

THERE  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  Hebbel  ever  attempted 
to  read  any  of  the  older  forms  of  the  Nibelungen  saga  in  the 
original  tongues.  Narrowed  in  his  early  development  by  the 
most  oppressive  conditions  of  uninspiring  environment  and 
grinding  poverty,  his  thirst  for  knowledge  and  his  eagerness  for 
attainment  received  little  external  help  and  impetus  until, 
already  grown  to  manhood,  he  was  enabled,  through  the  assist- 
ance of  Amalie  Schoppe,  to  prepare  for  university  work.  How 
difficult  it  was  for  him,  at  this  age,  to  begin  with  the  schoolboy 
rudiments  of  Latin  is  testified  by  many  passages  in  his  journal 
and  letters.  With  French,  as  well,  it  was  a  difficult  matter, 
although  he  gained  a  fair  mastery  of  the  language  during  his 
stay  in  Paris.  The  study  of  Italian  was  then  naturally  easier, 
and  before  the  end  of  his  sojourn  in  Rome  and  Naples  he  ven- 
tured to  become  a  party  to  any  conversation.1  But  although 
he  speaks  in  his  journal  of  the  great  beauty  and  plasticity  of  the 
Greek,2  and  refers  to  the  character  of  the  English  language,  we 
have  no  evidence  that  he  ever  tried  to  master  any  tongues  but 
Latin  and  the  two  Romance  languages. 

Hebbel's  approach  to  the  Nibelungen  saga  was,  therefore, 
through  the  medium  of  translation.  It  was  a  fortunate  chance 
which  led  him,  one  day  in  1835,  shortly  after  his  arrival  in 

1  Cf.  Tgb.  II.  2445,  2751;  Bw.  I.  230;  Kuh,  I.  190;  for  other  references  to 
learning  languages,  Tgb.  I.  2,  1412,  1701.  45  f.;  II.  3010.  36  f.,  3165,  3172, 
3252;  III.  3352,  3822,  4401. 

2  Tgb.  I.  376. 

24 


25 

Hamburg,  to  open  the  book  which  lay  before  him  on  Amalie 
Schoppe's  table  to  that  most  wonderful  and  dramatic  adventure 
of  the  Nibelungenlied  which  sings  of  Siegfried's  death  among 
the  flowers.1 

For  years  the  heroic  figures  of  the  old  epic  wavered  in  his 
fancy,  half  impelling  him  to  call  to  life  their  slumbering  forms, 
half  repulsing  him  by  the  magnitude  of  their  proportions,  at 
times  doubtless  lulled  to  forgetfulness  in  the  stress  of  more 
immediate  endeavors  and  necessities. 

When  he  began  to  study  the  Nibelungenlied  seriously,  with  a 
view  to  dramatic  production,  he  read  and  reread  the  newly  pub- 
lished translation  of  Ludwig  Braunfels.  Nowhere  in  journal 
or  correspondence,  does  he  mention  this  work,  but  Professor 
Werner  possesses  the  copy  which  Hebbel  used,  marked  with  his 
pencil  notes,2  and  in  many  instances  direct  borrowing  of  phrase- 
ology from  this  translation  is  traceable.  It  is  probable,  too, 
that  Hebbel  knew  Simrock's  translation,  for  he  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  Simrock's  publications,3  and  there  is  occasionally 
in  the  "Nibclungen"  a  linguistic  similarity  closer  than  that  with 
the  translation  of  Braunfels ;  but  there  is  no  reason  for  believing 
that  he  knew  the  earlier  translations  of  the  philologists,  von  der 
Hagen  and  Biisching,  which  make  no  attempt  at  an  artistic 
rendering  of  the  Lied.  That  of  von  der  Hagen  follows  the 
original  too  slavishly  for  a  ready  understanding,  and  that  of 
Busching  is  scarcely  more  than  a  prose  translation  with  the 
retention  of  end  rimes.  The  only  translation  which  is  men- 
tioned in  Hebbel's  writings  is  one  that  appeared  in  the  same 
year  in  which  he  completed  his  trilogy,  and  therefore  could  not 
have  had  an  influence  upon  his  composition.  In  a  letter  to 
Julius  Campe,  December  19,  1862,  he  told  of  having  received 
from  Berlin,  a  few  days  before  the  performance  of  the  "Nibe- 
lungen"  there,  a  telegraphic  despatch  requesting  detailed  in- 
formation as  to  the  costume  that  the  Nibelungen  should  wear. 
"I  had  almost  answered,  'Ask  the  tailor,'  since  I  have  only  to 
concern  myself  with  the  inner  workings  of  individuals,  and  not 
with  externalities,  but  I  contented  myself  with  a  vide  Johannes 

1  Tgb.  IV.  5555;  Nachl.  I.  n;  Kuh,  I.  185;  and  Nn.  i  ff. 
»  W.  IV.  346.  »  Tgb.  III.  3893;  IV.  6065. 


26 

Scherr,  Nibelungen  in  Prose,  Leipzig,  published  by  Wigand,  to 
which  we  conformed  in  Weimar."  1 

The  writer  has  made  a  careful  collation  of  all  passages  in  the 
"  Nibelungen  "  which  could  be  regarded  as  either  direct  or  in- 
direct borrowings  from  the  epic.  An  exhaustive  citation  of  all 
such  lines  from  the  trilogy  with  the  corresponding  verses  from 
the  Nibelungenlied  would,  however,  lead  far  beyond  the  scope 
of  the  present  work,  and  would  prove  little  more  than  can  be 
deduced  from  a  limited  number  of  quotations  which  will  show 
Hebbel's  method  of  procedure  in  drawing  from  his  principal 
source.  A  collection  of  all  such  passages  shows  that  1213  of  the 
5456  lines  in  Hebbel's  trilogy,  besides  five  lines  from  other  manu- 
scripts than  the  one  printed,  and  forty-five  notes  and  stage 
directions,  may  be  regarded  as  embodying  a  suggestion  of  idea 
or  word  from  the  Nibelungenlied.  It  would,  however,  be  an 
exaggeration  to  say  that  all  these  1213  lines  are  direct  borrowings 
from  the  epic,  yet  it  would  equally  be  an  underestimation  of 
Hebbel's  use  of  the  poem  to  limit  the  suggestions  which  he 
adopted  from  it  to  these  lines,  for  frequently  an  idea  or  an 
incident  is  expanded  far  beyond  the  scope  of  the  actual  passage 
drawn  from  the  epic. 

The  question  of  chief  interest  here  is  concerning  the  method 
and  nature  of  Hebbel's  borrowings  from  the  Nibelungenlied. 
Did  he  read  and  reread  his  copy  of  Braunfels'  translation  with 
the  purpose  of  later  reference  in  the  form  of  direct  verbal  bor- 
rowing, or  did  he  fill  himself  with  a  knowledge  of  the  poem,  to 
work  it  over  in  a  new  mould  without  immediate  concern  for  the 
source  during  composition  ?  The  answer  to  both  of  these  ques- 
tions can  be  correctly  given  as  yes  and  no,  for  Hebbel  was  un- 
concerned with  literalness  of  transmission,  and  yet,  in  certain 
specific  cases,  his  marking  of  passages  in  Braunfels  and  his  use 
of  the  phraseology  in  them  and  in  other  passages  show  that  he 
directly  referred  to  the  translation  in  the  course  of  his  writing. 

Professor  Werner,  in  his  notes  to  the  critical  edition,  gives 
fifteen  passages  which  Hebbel  had  thus  marked.  The  marked 
passages  are  lines  or  stanzas  which  Hebbel  made  use  of  in  con- 
tent or  word,  or  they  are  a  collection  of  stanzas,  the  incidents  and 

1  Nachl.  II.  282. 


27 

speeches  of  which  he  employed  in  whole  scenes.  With  but  four 
exceptions  they  are  brought  into  requisition  in  the  third  part  of 
the  trilogy,  and  these  four  exceptions  are  all  passages  used  in 
the  scene  where  Siegfried  is  slain.  This  seems  natural,  for  Heb- 
bel  was  familiar  with  the  first  part  of  the  Nibelungenlied,  which 
Braunfels  calls  "Siegfrieds  Tod,"  long  before  his  creative  work 
began,  while  he  evidently  knew  less  intimately  the  second 
division  which,  in  the  Braunfels  translation,  is  called  "Kriem- 
hildens  Rache,"  and  which  he  had  not  finished  reading  by 
the  26th  of  January,  I852.1  Besides,  the  dramatization  of  the 
second  part  was  a  matter  of  greater  difficulty  than  that  of  the 
first  part,  and  required  more  careful  choosing  of  details,  and 
omission  of  gruesome  and  lengthy  incidents.2 

For  use  in  "Kriemhilds  Rache,"  Hebbel  marked  one  passage 
each  concerning  Eckewart's  fidelity 3  and  Dietrich's  greeting  and 
warning,4  a  long  and  a  short  passage  dealing  with  Kriemhild's 
reception  of  the  Nibelungen,5  a  longer  passage  at  the  beginning 
of  Canto  XXXIII.,  dealing  with  Dankwart's  entrance  in  bloody 
armor  into  Etzel's  banquet  hall,6  a  stanza  which  tells  how  the 
Burgundians  sat  on  the  dead  and  drank  blood,7  a  passage  for 
the  scene  between  Kriemhild  and  Rudeger,8  one  for  the  last 
pathetic  scene  between  Giselher  and  Kriemhild,9  one  for  Riide- 
ger's  appeal  to  Etzel  to  care  for  his  wife,  child,  and  people,10 
and  two  for  scene  xii.,  of  "Kriemhilds  Rache,"  where  Giselher 
rejoices  at  Riideger's  approach,  thinking  that  it  signifies  peace, 
and  Hagen  replies :  — 

1  Bw.  II.  23. 

2  In  citing  Hebbel's  principal  source,  the  Nibelungenlied,  references  are  given 
by  canto,  page,  strophe,  and  line  to  the  translation  of  Braunfels.     In  the  few 
instances  where  Simrock's  text  is  obviously  nearer,  his  translation  has  also  been 
quoted.      The  pages  of  Braunfels'   translation  are  wrongly  numbered  after 
page  336,  the  numbers  being  325  to  380  instead  of  337  to  392.     In  the  citations, 
the  correct  numbers  are  given.     The  numbers  in  parentheses  refer  to  the  cor- 
responding strophes  in  the  Lachmann  text  which  both  Braunfels  and  Simrock 
used  as  a  basis  for  their  translations;   where  Braunfels  has  drawn  from  other 
texts,  this  is  indicated  in  the  parentheses. 

1330  (1223),  Nn.  3308  ff.  *  1779  (1662),  Nn.  3758. 

1792-1795  (1675-1678),  Nn.  4011-4032.  1803  (1685),  Nn.  4065  ff. 
2020  ff.  (1888  ff.),  Nn.  4950  ff. 

2156  (2019),  Nn.  4983,  5269  f.  *  2176  ff.  (2038  ff.),  K.  R.  V.  x. 

2214  ff.  (2075  ff.),  K.  R.  V.  ix.  10  2241  (2101),  Nn.  5353  ff. 


28 

"Es  gilt  den  letzten  und  den  schwersten  Kampf, 
Jetzt  soil  sich  wiirgen,  was  sich  liebt."  l 

But  these  are  evidently  not  the  only  passages  to  which  Heb- 
bel  referred  during  his  work  on  the  "  Nibelungen,"  although  his 
accurate  memory  quite  probably  served  him  in  some  cases 
where  there  are  actual  verbal  similarities  between  his  drama  and 
the  translation  which  he  used.  Some  of  the  more  striking  in- 
stances of  this  word  likeness  are  given  below:  — 

244-246.     Gunther. 

Du  bist  willkommen,  Held  aus  Niederland, 

Und  was  Dir  hier  gefallt,  Du  magst  Dir's  nehmen, 

Nur  trink  mit  uns,  eh'  Du's  von  dannen  tragst. 
III.  24.  130.  i.  (125)     Gernot. 

"Ihr  sollt  uns  sein  willkommen,"  sprach  Frau  Utens  Kind. 

131.  1-3.  (126) 

Da  sprach  der  Wirth  des  Landes:   "Alles  was  wir  haben, 

Begehrt  Ihr  es  nach  Ehren,  das  sei  Euch  unterthan, 

Und  sei  mit  Euch  getheilet  Alles,  Leib  und  Gut." 
268-270.     Kriemhild. 

Ich  horte  stets,  dass  Liebe  kurze  Lust 

Und  langes  Leid  zu  bringen  pflegt,  ich  seh's 

Ja  auch  an  Dir  und  werde  nimmer  lieben. 
I.  5.  15.  2-4.  (15) 

"Ohne  Ritters  Minne,  so  will  ich  immer  sein; 

So  schone  will  ich  bleiben  bis  an  meinen  Tod, 

Dass  ich  von  einem  Manne  nimmer  mag  gewinnen  Noth." 
17.  2-4.  (17) 
"Es  lehrt'  an  manchen  Weiben  schon  oft  der  Augenschein, 

Wie  Liebe  noch  mit  Leide  am  Ende  lohnen  kann. 

Ich  will  sie  meiden  beide,  so  wird  mir  nimmer  missgethan." 
544  f.  Siegfried. 

Ganze  Haufen 

Von  Edelsteinen  lagen  aufgethiirmt. 
548  f.     Siegfried. 

aus  der  Hohle  blitzte 

Das  rothe  Gold  hervor. 
III.  19.  95.  1-3.  (93) 

Er  sah  so  viel  Gesteines,  wie  wir  horen  sagen, 

Hundert  Lastwagen  hatten's  nicht  getragen; 

Noch  mehr  des  rothen  Goldes  von  Nibelungenland. 
XIX.  186.  1159.  i.  (1063) 

Es  war  auch  da  nichts  Andres,  als  Gold  und  Edelstein. 

1  2248  ff.  (2108  ff.),  K.  R.  V.  xii;  2277  (2137),  Nn.  5359. 


29 

953-    Rumolt. 

Der  nimmt's  wohl  auch  mit  Teufelsweibem  auf. 
1087.     Siegfried. 

Ein  Teufelsweib. 
VII.  74.  45i-  4-  (417)     Hagen. 

"Die  Ihr  begehrt  zu  minnen,  traun,  die  ist  des  Teufels  Weib." 

1466  f.     Siegfried. 

Sie  suchte  mir  die  Ha'nde 

Zu  binden. 
1484  f.     Siegfried. 

Ich  wurde 

Damit  gebunden. 
X.  105.  654.  2.  (587) 

Da  griff  nach  einem  Giirtel  die  herrliche  Maid. 

655-   I-  (538) 

Die  FUss'  und  auch  die  Ha'nde  sie  ihm  zusammenband. 
no.  690.  2.  (619) 

Und  wollt'  ihn  bin  gebunden,  so  wie  den  Konig,  legen. 
112.  700.  1-2.  (625) 

Da  griff  sie  an  die  Seite,  wo  sie  die  Borte  fand, 

Und  wollt'  ihn  damit  binden ;   da  wehrt'  es  seine  Hand. 

1467  f.     Siegfried. 

Da  ward  ich  wiithend 
Und  brauchte  meine  Kraft. 
X.  in.  693.  2-3.  (622) 

Da  schamte  sich  Siegfried;  zu  ziirnen  er  begann. 
Mit  ungeheuren  Kraften  setzt'  er  sich  ihr  entgegen. 
1668-1670.     Brunhild. 

Das  fand  ich  auch 

Natiirlich  als  ich  ihn — er  nannte  sich 
Ja  selber  so  —  fur  einen  Dienstmann  hielt. 

XIV.  137.  847-  3-  (764) 

"Drum  diinkt  er  mich  ein  Dienstmann;  ich  hort'  es  ihn  gestehn." 
1734.     Gunther. 

Hast  Du  Dich  je  geriihmt? 
XIV.  140.  871.  4.  (788)     Brunhild. 

"Hat  er  sich's  geriihmet,  es  geht  ihm  wahrlich  an  den  Leib." 
142.  881.  2.  (798)     Gunther. 
"Hat  er  sich's  geriihmet,  horen  lass'  er's  hier." 

883.  3-4.  (800) 
"Du  habest  dich  geriihmet,  du  warst  ihr  erster  Mann; 

So  sagt  dein  Weib  Kriemhilde.     Hast  du,  Degen,  das  gethan?" 
2445.     Siegfried. 

Doch  wisst,  Ihr  habt  in  ihm  Euch  selbst  erschlagen. 
XVI.  163.  (1028.  4.  (C  1008) 

"Glaubt  in  rechten  Treuen,  dass  Ihr  Euch  selber  habt  erschlagen." 


30 


2572  f.    Ute. 

Es  waren  Schacher. 

Kriemhild. 

Ich  kenne  sie. 
XVII.  173.  1077.  4-1078.  i.  (986  f.)     Gunther. 

"Ihn  erschlugen  Schacher;  fiirwahr,  Hagen  that  es  nicht." 
"Mir  sind  diese  Schacher,"  sprach  sie,  "gar  wohl  bekannt." 
3311.  f.    Werbel. 

Nun  gieb  uns  endlich  Urlaub,  hoher  Konig, 

Sie  brauchen  uns  zu  Hause. 

XXIV.  246.  1529.  i.  3.  (1419) 

Die  Boten  Kriemhildens  der  Aufenthalt  verdross; 
Sie  begehrten  taglich,  mit  Urlaub  heimzugehn. 
3389  f.     Hagen. 

Sie  schwebten  iiber  einem  alten  Brunnen 
Und  glichen  Vogeln,  die  im  Nebel  hiipfen. 

XXV.  255.  1586.  i.  (1476) 

"Sie  schwebten  wie  die  Vogel  vor  ihm  auf  der  Fluth. 
3392.     Hagen. 

Ich  schlich  heran,  da  floh'n  sie  scheu  von  dannen. 
XXV.  255.  1584.  1-2.  ^(1474) 

Hagen  ward  ihrer  inne;   er  schlich  ihnen  heimlich  nah. 

Da  sie  sich  dess  versannen,  wie  enteilten  sie  da ! 
3410  f.  Hagen. 

Ich  warf  die  Kleider 

Mit  Freuden  wieder  hin  und  sturzte  fort. 
XXV.  256.  1588.  1-2.  (1478) 

Der  Rede  war  da  Hagen  im  Herzen  froh  und  hehr; 

Er  gab  ihnen  ihre  Kleider,  und  sa'umte  sich  nicht  mehr. 
3739.     Gudrun. 

Ich  schamte  mich  ja  nur. 

XXVII.  279.  1738.  4.  (1622) 

Sie  schamte  sich  der  Frage ;  so  hat  ja  manche  Maid  gethan. 
3763.     Dietrich. 

Seid  auf  der  Hut,  Ihr  stolzen  Nibelungen. 

XXVIII.  286.  1781.  4.  (1664) 

"Du  Trost  der  Nibelungen,  davor  behiite  du  dich!" 
4345.    Volker. 

Komm,  steh'n  wir  auf. 

XXIX.  295.  1836.  i.  (1718) 

"Nun  stehn  wir  auf  vom  Sitze,"  sprach  der  Fiedelmann. 
4518  f.  Hagen. 

Nun  werft  Euch  in  die  Kleider,  aber  nehmt 

Die  Waffen,  statt  der  Rosen,  in  die  Hand. 
XXXI.  307.  1912.  4.  (1790) 

Er  sprach:  "Ihr  Helden  sollten  hier  tragen  anderes  Kleid." 


31 

3o8.  1913.  2.  (1791) 

"Nun  traget,  statt  der  Rosen,  die  Waffen  in  der  Hand." 
5061.     Hildebrand. 

Unhold! 
5445.    Hagen. 

Unhold! 
XXVIH.  289.  1804.  4.  (1686)     Dietrich. 

"Nur  zu,  du  falscher  Unhold." 
5105-5107.     Etzel. 

Heir  Riideger, 

Ihr  helft  dem  Feind?     Wir  haben  der  Erschlag'nen 

Auch  ohne  Euch  genug. 

XXXVII.  356.  2221.  1-3.  (2082) 

Da  sprach  zum  Markgrafen  Etzel,  der  Konig  hehr: 

"Wie  habt  Ihr  uns  geholfen,  vieledler  Riideger! 

Da  wir  so  viel  der  Todten  in  diesem  Lande  ha'n." 
5261-5264.     Riideger. 

So  schwer  wie  ich,  ward  noch  kein  Mensch  gepriift, 

Denn  was  ich  thun  und  was  ich  lassen  mag, 

So  thu'  ich  bos  und  werde  d'rob  gescholten, 

Und  lass'  ich  Alles,  schilt  mich  Jedermann. 
XXXVH.  358.  2230.  1-3.  (2091) 

"Und  welches  ich  nun  lasse,  und  welches  ich  begeh', 

So  thu'  ich  immer  boslich  und  mir  zu  Leid  und  Weh; 

Lass'  ich  aber  Beides,  so  schilt  mich  Jedermann." 

5394.  Hildebrand. 

Man  schlagt  die  Nibelungen  ohne  mich! 
XXXI.  315.  1963.  1-2.  (1837) 

Da  gab  die  Antwort  Hildebrand,  ein  Held  gar  ritterlich: 
"Wer  schlagt  die  Nibelungen,  der  thut  es  ohne  mich." 

5395.  Hildebrand. 

Dankwart,  Du  lehnst  Dich  miissig  in  die  Ecke. 
XXXVII.  368.  2305.  1-2.  (2164) 

Den  sitzen,  den  sich  lehnen,  sah  man  da  manchen  Degen. 

Sie  waren  wieder  miissig. 
5445-5447-    Hagen. 

ich  hab'  Dich  wieder  uberlistet, 

Nun  ist  der  Ort  nur  Gott  und  mir  bekannt, 

Und  Einer  von  uns  Beiden  sagt's  Dir  nicht. 
XXXIX.  391.  2451.  3-4.  (2308) 

"Den  Schatz,  den  weiss  nun  Keiner,  als  ich  und  Gott  allein: 

Er  soil  dir  bosem  Unhold  immer  ganz  verhohlen  sein." 

In  a  very  few  instances  there  is  a  greater  verbal  similarity 
with  Simrock's  translation,  which  seems  to  show  that  the  poet 


32 

either  compared  the  two  versions,  or  that  some  of  Simrock's 
phraseology  remained  in  his  memory  from  an  earlier  reading. 

510  f.    Siegfried. 

Ich  bin  bereit  mit  Dir  hinab  zu  zieh'n, 
Wenn  Du  die  Schwester  mir  als  Lohn  versprichst. 
VI.  58.  343.  2-4.  (332) 1 

"Gibst  du  mir  deine  Schwester,  so  thu'  ich  es  gem, 
Die  schone  Kriemhilde,  die  Konigstochter  hehr; 
So  gehr'  ich  keines  Lohnes  nach  meinen  Arbeiten  mehr." 
Simrock. 

"Ich  will  es  thun,  versprichst  du  die  Schwester  mir  zum  Lohn."  7 
1690.     Kriemhild. 

Das  Kebsweib  meines  Gatten  mich  verachten ! 
XIV.  140.  865.  4.  (782) 

"Wie  mocht'  eines  Mannes  Buhle  je  werden  eines  Konigs  Weib?" 
Simrock. 

"Wie  mocht  eines  Mannes  Kebse  je  werden  Konigsweib."  * 
1727.     Brunhild. 

Bin  ich  ein  Kebsweib,  Konig? 

XIV.  141.  872.  3.  (789) 

"Ihr  hiesst  mich  eine  Buhle;   das  lasst  mich  besser  sehn." 
142.  879.  3.  (796) 

"Sie  sagt,  gebuhlet  habe  mich  Siegfried,  ihr  Mann." 
Simrock. 

"Ihr  wollet  mich  verkebsen." 

"Sie  sagt  ich  sei  die  Kebse  von  Siegfried  ihrem  Mann." 
2200.     Hagen. 

D'rum  rath'  ich  heut'  zur  Jagd. 

XV.  151.  938.  2-4.  (854)     Gunther. 

"So  will  ich  hinreiten,  und  Schwein'  und  Baren  jagen 
In  dem  Wasgauwalde,  wie  ich  oft  gethan." 
Das  hatte  gerathen  Hagen,  der  gar  ungetreue  Mann. 
Simrock. 

"So  rath'  ich,  dass  wir  Baren  und  Schweine  jagen  gehn 
Nach  dem  Wasgauwalde  wie  ich  oft  gethan." 
Das  hatte  Hagen  gerathen,  der  ungetreue  Mann. 

The  tenth  edition  has  "  Nach  dem  Odenwalde,"  the  name  which 
Hebbel  uses  in  his  scene  direction,  "Siegfreids  Tod,"  V.  i.,  and  in 
Hagen's  mocking  words  :  — 

1  The  first  quotation  from  the  Nibelungenlied  is  in  each  instance  from 
Braunfels'  translation. 

3  The  first  edition,  1827,  is  quoted,  and,  unless  otherwise  stated,  the  2d,  3d 
and  loth  editions  (1829,  1843,  1850)  have  like  phrasing. 

s  Tenth  and  later  editions  omit  Wie. 


33 

Im  Odenwald,  da  springt  ein  munt'rer  Quell. 
Cf.  453°-    Hagen. 

"Seit  wir  zuriick  sind  aus  dem  Odenwald." 
3421-3423. 

Ihr  Alle  seht,  wenn  Ihr  in's  Heunenland 

Hinunter  zieht,  den  griinen  Rhein  nicht  wieder. 
XXV.  256.  1592.  2.  (1482) 

Von  Euch  wird  Keiner  lebend  verbleiben. 
Simrock. 

Keiner  von  Euch  Degen  wird  die  Heimath  wieder  sehn. 

Often,  where  there  is  not  actual  verbal  likeness,  there  is  a 
parallelism  of  expression  which  indicates  that  the  form  of  the 
thought  in  the  epic  was  in  the  poet's  mind.  The  following 
passages  show  this  type  of  borrowing:  — 

184-186.    Siegfried. 

Ich  hab'  ein  Reich, 

So  gross,  wie  Dein's,  und  wenn  Du  mich  besiegst, 
So  bist  Du  Herr  darin.    Was  willst  Du  mehr? 

215-216. 

Ich  brenne,  mich  zu  messen  mit  dem  Recken, 
Der  mir  mein  Gut  verdoppelt  oder  nimmt. 

III.  22.  117.  2-118.  3.  (112  f.) 

"Wenn  nicht  dein  Land  den  Frieden  durch  deine  Kraft  gewinnt, 
Will  ich  dessen  walten;   und  auch  das  Erbe  mein, 
Erwirbst  du  es  mit  Starke,  das  soil  dir  unterthanig  sein. 

"Dein  Erb'  und  meines  sollen  in  gleicher  Wage  liegen, 

Vermag  es  unser  Einer,  dem  Andem  obzusiegen, 

Dem  soil  es  alles  dienen,  die  Leut'  und  auch  das  Land." 
187-189.    Siegfried. 

Ich  horte 

Ja  doch,  dass  hier  die  Tapfersten  der  Recken 

Versammelt  seien. 
218-220. 

Wenn  ich  auch  nur  auf  Deine  Diener  blicke: 

So  stolze  Manner  wiirden  Dir  nicht  folgen, 

Empfandest  Du  nicht  ganz  so,  wie  ich  selbst. 

III.  21.   III.   I-II2.  2.   (106  f.) 

"Mir  ward  gesaget  Mare  in  meines  Vaters  Land, 
Dass  hier  bei  Euch  waren,  (das  hatt'  ich  gern  erkannt,) 
Wohl  die  kiihnsten  Recken  (dess  hab'  ich  viel  vernommen,) 
Die  je  gewann  ein  Konig;  darum  bin  ich  hieher  gekommen. 

"Auch  hor5  ich  Rittertugend  Euch  selber  zugestehn, 


34 

Dass  man  noch  keinen  Konig  kiihner  hab'  gesehn." 
22.  114.  i.  (109) 

"Nun  da  Ihr  seid  so  kiihne,  wie's  heisset  weit  und  breit." 
522-524.    Hagen. 

Er  soil  den  Anlauf  nehmen,  Du  willst  werfen 

Und  springen? 

Siegfried. 

Ja!  so  mein  ich's!    Und  dabei 

Ihn  selbst  noch  tragen ! 
VII.  78.  479.  3-4.  (437) 

Durch  seine  schonen  Kiinste  hatt'  er  Kraft  genug 

Dass  er  in  dem  Sprunge  noch  den  Konig  Gunther  trug. 
560  f.     Siegfried. 

in  toller  Wuth 

Mit  rasch  gezog'nen  Degen  auf  mich  ein. 
HI.  19.  (97.  2.  (C  94) 

Der  zweien  Kon'ge  Mannen  gingen  mit  Streit  ihn  an. 
638-640.     Siegfried. 

Nun  wird's  lebendig  in  der  Burg,  Gestalten 

Erscheinen  auf  der  Zinne,  Schleier  flattern 

Und  eine  stolze  Jungfrau  spaht  herab. 
1711.    Brunhild. 

Ich  war  auf  der  Zinne. 

VII.  67.  402.  3.  (377) 

Oben  in  den  Fenstern  manche  schone  Maid. 

405.  1-2.  (380) 

"Ich  sehe  ihrer  Eine  in  schneeweissem  Kleid. 

In  einem  Fenster  stehen,  so  herrlich  ist  die  Maid." 

VIII.  85.  525-  I-  (477) 

Da  stund  in  den  Zinnen  manch  liebliches  Kind. 
653.    Volker. 

Nein,  Konig,  bleib  daheim. 
VI.  64.  384.  i.  (361) 

Sie  sprach:  "Viellieber  B  ruder,  bleibt  hier. 
663.     Gunther. 

Wohlan !    Fur  Brunhild  gebe  ich  Dir  Kriemhild. 

VI.  58.  344.  2-3.  (333) 

"Und  kommt  uns  die  schone  Briinhild  in  dieses  Land, 

So  will  ich  dir  zum  Weibe  meine  Schwester  geben." 
799  f.     Siegfried. 

Auch  thust  Du  mir  zu  viel  der  Ehre  an, 
Mich  vor  dem  Konig  Gunther  zu  begriissen. 

VII.  71.  433.  1-3.  (399) 

"Gar  grossen  Dank,"  so  sprach  er,  "edle  Frau  Brunhild, 
Dass  Ihr  mich  Grusses  wiirdigt,  Fiirstentochter  mild, 
Vor  diesem  edlen  Recken,  der  vor  mir  geht  einher." 


35 

72.  435-  i-  (401) 

"Er  ist  geheissen  Gunther,  ein  Konig  reich  und  hehr." 
80  r.    Siegfried. 

Ich  bin  hier  nur  sein  Fiihrer. 

VII.  71.  433-  4-  (399) 

"Denn  der  ist  mein  Herre.     Gern  entbehrt'  ich  solcher  EhrV' 
VI.  66.  399.  3.  (375)  Siegfried  advises  them  to  say:  — 

"Gunther  sei  mein  Herre,  und  ich  sein  Lehensmann." 
1188.     Kriemhild. 

Mein  Herr  und  B  ruder,  fug'  es,  wie  Du  magst. 
X.  102.  631.  2-4.  (567) 

"Ihr  sollt  mich  nimmer  flehen.     So  will  ich  immer  sein, 
Wie  Ihr  mir  gebietet;   das  werde  stets  gethan. 
Ich  will  mich  gern  verloben ;  wen  Ihr  mir,  Herre,  gebt  zum  Mann/ 
1219-1222.    Brunhild. 

Wie  darfst  Du's  es  wagen, 
Die  Hand  nach  ihr,  nach  einer  Konigstochter, 
Nur  auszustrecken,  da  Du  doch  Vasall 
Und  Dienstmann  bist! 
1499  f.  Ich  kann's  nicht  seh'n, 

Dass  Deine  edle  Schwester  sich  erniedrigt. 
X.  103.  638.  2-4.  (574) 

"Es  ist  um  deine  Schwester  mir  von  Herzen  leid. 
Die  seh'  ich  sitzen  nahe  dem  Dienstmanne  dein. 
Das  muss  ich  stets  beweinen,  soil  sie  so  verderbet  sein." 
1227.     Gunther. 

Er  ist  an  Schatzen  reicher  als  ich  selbst. 
X.  103.  641.  2.  (577) 

"Er  hat,  wie  ich,  wohl  Burgen  und  weites  Land." 
1231.    Gunther. 

Er  ist  ein  Konig,  wie  ich  selbst. 
X.  103.  641.  3.  (577) 

"Er  ist  ein  reicher  Konig:  dess  sollt  Ihr  sicher  sein." 
1704.     Brunhild. 

Wo  sind  die  Herren  von  Burgund? 
XIV.  141.  877.  1-2.  (794) 

Da  sprach  die  Frau  Briinhilde:  "Berufet  mir  zur  Stund' 
Hierher  den  Herrn  vom  Rheine;  dem  thu'  ich  Solches  kund." 
1754.    Hagen. 

Der  Mann  muss  sterben,  der  Dir  das  gethan ! 
XIV.  143.  890.  2-4.  (807) 

Sie  sagte  ihm  die  Mare.    Er  gelobt'  ihr  gleich  zur  Hand, 
Dass  dafiir  ernten  miisste  den  Lohn  Kriemhilden's  Mann, 
Oder  er  wollte  nimmer  frohlich  leben  fortan. 
144.  893.  4.  (810) 
"Daruber  will  ich  sterben,  oder  es  geht  ihm  an  den  Leib." 


36 

1762-1764.    Giselher. 

So  wird  das  Ernst?    Um  einen  kleinen  Fehl 
Wollt  Ihr  den  treu'sten  Mann  der  Erde  morden? 
Mein  Konig  und  mein  Bruder,  sage  Nein ! 

XIV.  143-  891.  3-892.  4.  (808  f.) 

Dazu  kam  auch  Giselher,  der.schonen  Ute  Kind; 
Da  er  ihr  Reden  horte,  sprach  er  alsbalde  treugesinnt: 
"Ihr  viel  guten  Recken,  warum  thut  ihr  das? 
Traun,  es  verdiente  Siegfried  niemals  solchen  Hass, 
Dass  er  darum  verlieren  sollte  Leben  und  Leib. 
Es  ist  ja  gar  geringe,  um  was  da  ziirnet  ein  Weib." 
1872.     Siegfried. 

Ich  zieh'  allein  mit  meinen  Nibelungen. 

XV.  147.  912.  1-2.  (829) 

"Ihr  und  Eure  Recken  sollt  das  Haus  bewahren; 

Mit  denen,  die  ich  habe,  lasst  mich  zu  ihnen  fahren." 
2056  f.     Kriemhild. 

Ohm,  Ihr  werdet  doch 
An  ihm  nicht  rachen,  was  nur  ich  verbrach? 
XV.  148.  919-  4-  (836) 

"Er  soil  es  nicht  entgelten,  hab'  ich  Briinhild  was  gethan." 
2064.     Hagen. 

Nun,  nun,  sie  wird's  vergessen. 
Mss.  H  Th.  2061  f. 

Vielleicht 
Ist  sie  schon  ausgesohnt. 

XV.  149.  921.  i.  (838) 

Er  sprach :  "Ihr  werdet  versohnet  wohl  bald  nach  diesen  Tagen." 
2417-2419.     Siegfried. 

Mord !  Mord !  —  Ihr  selbst?  Bei'm  Trinken !   Gunther,  Gunther, 
Verdient'  ich  das  um  Dich?    Ich  stand  Dir  bei 
In  Noth  und  Tod. 

XVI.  154.  95i-  4-  (866) 

"Auch  hab'  ich  wohl  Andres  nicht  verdient  um  die  Degen." 

164.  1018.  2-3.  (930) 

"Was  helfen  meine  Dienste,  da  ihr  mich  habt  erschlagen? 
Ich  war  euch  stets  getreue;  dess  entgelt'  ich  nun." 

165.  (1025.  3.  (C  1006) 

"Ich  schirmt'  Euch  Leib  und  Ehre  in  furchtbarer  Noth." 
256if.     Gunther. 

Ein  Eid ! 

Ihr  thut  kein  Mensch  mehr  weh. 
XIX.  188.  1168.  1-2.  (1071) 

Da  sprach  Konig  Gunther:  "Ich  schwur  ihr  einen  Eid, 
Dass  ich  ihr  nimmer  wieder  thate  welches  Leid." 


37 

3074.    Ute. 

Sie  bieten's  Dir. 
Kriemhild. 

Znm  Hohn. 
XX.  204.  1264.  1-3.  (1158) 

Da  sprach  die  Jammersreiche :  "Euch  verbiet'  es  Gott 

Und  alien  meinen  Freunden,  dass  sie  irgend  Spott 

An  mir  Armen  iiben. 
3751  f.    Hagen. 

Die  Hochzeit 

Erst  bei  der  Wiederkehr ! 

XXVII.  279.  1740.  2-3.  (1624) 

"So  ihr  wieder  heim warts  nach  Burgunden  kehrt, 
(Denn  also  ist  es  brauchlich),  dann  geb'  ich  euch  mein  Kind." 

4066.     Kriemhild. 

So  hat  Euch  ein  Verrather  auch  gewarnt. 

4069.    Dietrich. 

Ich  bin  der  Mann,  ich,  Dietrich,  Vogt  von  Bern ! 

XXVIII.  289.  1804.  2.  (1686) 

"Ich  bin's,  der  hat  gewarnet  die  Fiirsten  reich  und  gut." 
4366.    Hagen. 

Nun  freilich,  diesen  schlug  ich  todt. 

XXIX.  297.  1846.  2.     (1728) 

"Ich  bin's  nun  einmal,  Hagen,  der  Siegfrieden  schlug." 
4370  f.     Kriemhild. 

Nun  thut,  was  Euch  gefallt.    Ich  frag*  nicht  mehr, 
Ob  Ihr's  zu  Ende  bringt. 

XXIX.  297.  1848.  2-3.  (1730) 

"  Was  ihm  darob  geschicht, 

Soil  mich  nun  nicht  kiimmern,  ihr  Etzel's  gute  Degen." 
4376.     Hagen. 

So  gilt's  hier  wirklich  Mord  und  Ueberfall? 

XXX.  306.  1906.  3.  (1784).     Volker. 

"Wollt  ihr  auf's  Morden  ziehen,  Kriemhilden's  Hofgeleit?" 
4381.     Hagen. 

Der  Helme  Glanz  verrieth  Euch  langst. 
XXX.  305.  1896.  2-3.  (1775) 

"Dass  Volker  der  kiihne  Helme  glanzen  sah 

Fernher  aus  dem  Finstern." 
5124.     Riideger. 

Hab'  ich  sie  nicht  selbst  in's  Land  gebracht? 

5132- 

Doch  hab'  ich  sie  auf  Treue  hergefiihrt. 
5164. 

Und  sie  geleitet  bis  zu  Eurer  Schwelle. 


38 
xxxvn.  356. 2220.  3.  (2081) 

Ich  war  ja  ihr  Geleite  in  meines  Herren  Land. 
Cf.  XXVII.  282,  1762.  2.  (1646) 

"Will  ich  euch  selbst  geleiten;  da  seid  ihr  wohl  bewahrt." 
5133  f.    Rudeger. 

Und  darf  ich  sie  nicht  schutzen  gegen  Dich, 

So  leih'  ich  Dir  doch  auch  nicht  meinen  Arm. 

5165  f. 

Kann  ich  das  Schwert  wohl  gegen  sie  erheben, 

Nun  sie  in  ihren  grossten  Nothen  sind? 
XXXVII.  359.  2236.  4.  (2096) 

"Und  gab'  ihnen  meine  Gabe:  wie  hiilf  ich  nun  zu  ihrem  Tod?" 
5142.    Rudeger. 

Ich  kann  nicht  sagen,  das  Du  liigst. 
XXXVII.  357.  2226.  i.  (2087) 

"Das  ist  nicht  zu  laugnen." 
5162  f.    Rudeger. 

Ich  habe  sie  mit  Wein  und  Brot  begriisst, 

Als  sie  die  Donaugranze  iiberschritten. 
XXXVII.  359-  2236.  2-3.  (2096) 

"Ich  habe  sie  geladen  heim  zu  meinem  Haus; 

Trinken  so  wie  Speise  ich  ihnen  giitlich  bot." 
5280-5282.     Rudeger. 

Kriemhild,  ich  habe  Dir  den  Eid  geschworen 

Und  muss  ihn  halten,  das  erklar'  ich  laut 

Fur  meine  Pflicht  und  makle  nicht  daran. 
XXXVII.  360.  2243.  3.  (2103) 

Er  sprach:  "Wohl  muss  ich  leisten  Euch  nach  meinem  Eid." 

But  by  far  the  most  numerous  borrowings  from  the  epic  are 
of  suggestions,  not  words.  Generally  these  suggestions  are  of 
incident,  or  scene,  or  character  delineation,  which  Hebbel  adapted 
to  his  own  uses,  sometimes  referring  to  an  entire  adventure 
with  a  line  or  two,  sometimes  materially  enlarging  upon  a  dra- 
matic detail  which  the  Nibelungenlied  passes  over  lightly,  or 
in  other  instances  making  a  slight  change  that  explains  or 
ennobles  the  motivation.  Most  of  these  changes  are  mentioned 
in  the  general  discussion  of  HebbePs  use  of  the  Nibelungenlied 
which  follows,  and  do  not  require  citation  here.  It  will  only 
be  necessary  to  give  a  few  examples  of  HebbePs  adaptation  of 
minor  incidents  to  the  purposes  of  his  drama. 

1958-1960.    Hagen. 

Ist  der  Friede 


39 

Noch  zwischen  Euch  nicht  wieder  hergestellt? 

Will  er  vielleicht  sein  Mannesrecht  missbrauchen  ? 
XV.  148.  920.  2-4.  (837) 

"Auch  hat  er  so  zerblauet  deswegen  meinen  Leib ! 

Dass  ich  es  je  geredet,  beschwerte  ihm  den  Muth; 

Das  hat  wohl  gar  gerochen  der  Degen  tapfer  und  gut." 
2200  f.    Giselher. 

Ich  zieh'  nicht  mit. 
Gerenot. 

Ich  wahrlich  auch  nicht. 
2298.     Hagen. 

Hatten  sie 

Zugleich  den  Muth,  zu  warnen  und  zu  hindern? 
4446.     Kriemhild. 

In  den  Wald  seit  Ihr  nicht  mitgeritten. 

4468.        Und  wer  nicht  half  der  schwieg  doch,  statt  zu  warnen. 
XV.  152.  (943.  2-4.  (C  923) 

Giselher  und  Gerenot 

Wollten  nicht  jagen  reiten.    Ich  weiss  nicht,  welcher  Neid 

Sie  abhielt,  ihn  zu  warnen. 
154.  954.  4.  (869) 

Gernot  hatt'  und  Giselher  daheirn  zu  bleiben  begehrt. 
2775-2777.    Hagen. 

Ei,  wenn  sie  mir  die  Hand 

Seit  uns'rer  Jagd  nicht  einmal  wieder  reichte, 

So  hat  sie  Dich  ja  auch  wohl  nicht  gekusst. 
2872  f. 

Ja,  ja,  sie  bot  die  Wange  endlich  dar, 

Weil  (Er  deutet  auf  Giselher  und  Ute.) 

Dieser  taglich  bat  und  Diese  weinte. 

XVIII.  179.  1115.  2.  (1021) 

Begannen  sie  zu  flehen  Ute  und  Gerenot. 

XIX.  184.  1140.  (1046) 

Sie  sass  nach  ihrem  Leide,  das  ist  vollig  wahr, 
Nach  ihres  Mannes  Tode  wohl  an  vierthalb  Jahr, 
Dass  nie  ein  Wort  zu  Gunthern  aus  ihrem  Mund  geschah, 
Und  ihren  Feind  Hagen  sie  in  der  Zeit  nimmer  sah. 

1146.  4.  (1052) 

Zu  flehen  begann  da  Giselher,  der  sehr  weidliche  Mann. 
185.  (1147.  i.  (C  1124) 

Sie  sprach:  "Ich  muss  ihn  griissen,  da  ihr  mir's  nicht  erlasst." 

1149.  i.  (1053) 

Ich  will  den  Konig  griissen. 

1150.  1-2.  (1054) 

Da  sie  verschmerzen  wollte  auf  Gunther  den  Hass, 
Dass  er  sie  kiissen  sollte,  das  ziemt'  ihm  desto  bass. 


40 

2912  f.    Hagen. 

sie  hatte 

Ein  Heer  damit  geworben. 
2918  f.      Das  war  das  Mittel,  Freunde  zu  erwerben 

Und  zu  erhalten. 

XIX.  187.  1165.  2-4.  (1068) 

So  dass  Hagen  sagte,  sollte  sie  noch  leben 

Nur  kleine  Zeit,  so  wiirde  man  sie  gewinnen  sehn 

Zu  Dienst  so  manchen  Recken,  dass  ihnen  schlimm  es  musst'  ergehn . 

1167.  3-4.  (1070) 

"Sie  bringt  mit  ihrer  Gabe  noch  soldi  ein  VVerk  zu  Tag, 
Dass  es  wohl  die  kiihnen  Burgunden  gereuen  mag." 

XX.  212.  1319.  4.  (1212) 

"Ich  weiss  gar  wohl,  was  Kriemhild  bald  mit  diesem  Schatze  thut." 
3323  f.     Rumolt. 

Vergesst  Ihr  die  Geschenke?    Wartet  doch, 
Bis  sie  heruber  kommen. 

332S-3327-    Volker. 

Das  find'  ich  wunderlich, 
Erst  schlagen  sie  die  reichen  Gaben  aus, 
Dann  lassen  sie  sie  liegen ! 

XXIV.  247-  1537-  (1427) 

Da  liess  der  reiche  Konig,  (er  war  den  Boten  hold,) 
Aus  tugendlicher  Sitte  hertragen  sein  Gold 
Auf  den  breiten  Schilden;  er  war  reich  daran. 
Auch  ward  reiche  Gabe  von  Freunden  ihnen  gethan. 

1538.  3-248.  1539.  4.  (1428  f) 
Da  ward  so  reiche  Gabe  den  Boten  dar  getragen, 
Aus  Furcht  vor  Etzel  konnten  sie's  nimmer  zu  empfangen  wagen. 

Da  sprach  der  Bote  Swemmel,  zum  Konige  gewandt: 

"Herr  Konig,  Eure  Gabe  lasst  bleiben  hier  zu  Land; 

Wir  diirfen's  nicht  fiihren.     Der  Konig  uns  verbot, 

Dass  wir  irgend  Gabe  nahmen ;  auch  ist  uns  gar  wenig  noth." 
3232-3234.     Kriemhild. 

Mag  die  Welt 

Mich  Anfangs  schmah'n,  sie  soil  mich  wieder  loben, 

Wenn  sie  das  Ende  dieser  Dinge  sieht ! 
XX.  210.  1305.  1-3.  (1199) 

Da  dachte  die  Getreue:  "Da  ich  nun  gewann 

Also  viel  der  Freunde,  lass'  ich  die  Welt  fortan 

Reden,  was  sie  wolle." 
3337  f-    Volker. 

Hagen  kommt 

Mit  seiner  letzten  Fracht. 


41 

XXV.  261.  1623.  3.  (1512) 

Schiffmeister  war  Hagen. 
3352-3354.    Volker.  wir  kommen.  .  .  . 

....  mit  unserm  ganzen  Staat. 

Werbel. 

Mit  einem  Heer,  ja  wohl. 
4009  f.     Kriemhild. 

Wir  glaubten  schon,  es  kam'  ein  Feind  gezogen, 

So  gross  ist  Euer  Tross. 
4035.       Ihr  kommt  mit  einem  Heer. 

XXIV.  246.  1525.  2.  (1415) 

Achtzig  ihrer  Recken  herfiihren  an  den  Rhein. 

1528.  i.  (1418) 
Hagen  wahlte  tausend,  die  ihm  wohlbekannt. 

XXV.  251.  1557.  2-3.  (1447) 

Sechzig  iiber  tausend,  so  hort'  ich  diese  Mar', 
Dazu  neun tausend  Knechte,  zu  der  Festlichkeit. 

XXVI.  273.  1701.  3-4.  (1587) 

Sechszig  schneller  Recken  und  tausend  Ritter  gut, 
Dazu  neuntausend  Knechte. 
3584.  f.     Gudrun. 

Welche  muss  ich  kiissen,  Mutter? 
Gotelinde. 

Die  Kon'ge  und  den  Tronjer! 

XXVII.  274.  1705.  2-1706.  3.  (1591  f).     Rudeger. 

"Ihr  sollt  gar  wohl  empfangen  die  edlen  Konige  hehr, 
Wenn  sie  mit  ihrem  Gesinde  hierher  zu  Hofe  nah'n; 
Auch  Hagen,  Gunther's  Dienstmann,  sollt  Ihr  mit  schonern  Gruss 
empfah'n. 

"  Noch  Einer,  der  heisst  Dankwart,  kommt  mit  ihrer  Fahrt; 

Der  Andre  heisset  Volker,  an  Ziichten  wohlbewahrt. 

Die  Sechse  sollt  Ihr  kiissen;  so  auch  die  Tochter  mem." 
276.  1719.  1-3.  (1604) 

Die  Markgrafinn  kiisste  die  Konige  alle  drei; 

So  that  auch  ihre  Tochter.    Auch  Hagen  stund  dabei; 

Ihr  Vater  hiess  sie  ihn  kussen. 
4992.     Hildebrand. 

Da  ist  der  Todtenberg ! 
5035.     Hildebrand. 

Sie  werfen  wieder  Todte  aus  den  Fenstern. 
5054.     Dietrich. 

An  sieben  tausend  Heunen  liegen  dort. 
XXXIV.  334-  2082.  3.  (1947) 

Ihr  miisst  die  todten  Leute  aus  dem  Hause  tragen. 

335.  2085.  1-3.  (1950) 

Da  folgten  sie  dem  Rathe,  und  trugen  vor  die  Thur* 


42 

Siebentausend  Todte;  die  warfen  sie  herfiir. 

Vor  des  Saales  Stiege  sah  man  sie  niederfallen. 
5292-5294.     Riidegej. 

Das  Alles  fahre  bin,  ich  fleh'  zu  Euch 

Um  meine  Seele,  die  verloren  ist, 

Wenn  Ihr  mich  nicht  von  diesem  Eide  los't. 
5312.     Kriemhild. 

Glaubst  Du,  dass  ich  die  Seele  rettete. 
XXXVII.  357.  2226.  3.  (2087) 

"Dass  ich  die  Seel'  verliere,  das  hab'  ich  nicht  geschworen." 
5371.     Hagen. 

Hatt'  ich  nur  einen  Schild. 
XXXVII.  364.  2271.  2-3.  (2131) 

"Den  Schild,  den  Frau  Gotlinde  gegeben  mir  zu  tragen, 

Den  haben  mir  die  Heunen  zerhauen  an  der  Hand." 

A  further  discussion  of  Hebbel's  methods  in  dealing  with 
the  Nibelungenlied  as  source  may  be  grouped  under  the  heads 
of  omissions,  contractions,  and  expansions  of  material.  Will- 
iam Morris,  in  his  epic  treatment  of  the  Volsungasaga,  had 
before  him  the  task  of  expanding  the  Norse  story  of  forty- 
three  short  chapters  into  a  poem  of  four  or  five  times  its  length. 
Hebbel,  with  his  desire  to  retain  every  essential  feature  of  the 
Nibelungenlied,  had  to  solve  the  problem  of  contracting  the 
poem,  which,  in  the  Braunfels  translation,  contained  2459 
strophes,  or  9836  lines,  into  a  trilogy  of  5456  lines.  The  solv- 
ing of  the  problem  necessitated  great  pruning  and  paring,  es- 
pecially as  the  gaps  of  the  epic  required  numerous  additions, 
while  Hebbel's  deepening  of  character  and  enlargement  and 
invention  of  incident  and  motivation  called  for  entire  new 
speeches  and  even  scenes.  The  question  is  how  Hebbel  went 
about  his  work  of  selection,  in  order  to  reach  the  mean  between 
the  too  much  and  the  too  little,  and  what  was  the  nature  of  his 
omissions  and  his  contractions. 

The  nature  of  Hebbel's  omissions  can  best  be  understood 
from  his  own  sharply  critical  distinction  between  the  charac- 
ter and  function  of  the  epic  and  the  drama.  "The  lyric,  and 
still  more  the  dramatic  poet,  must  keep  all  his  portrayals 
between  the  conscious-unconscious  (Bewusst-Unbeiuussteri), 
therefore  the  style  of  this  art  is  much  more  difficult  than  the 


43 

epic  style,  which  reproduces  life  as  in  a  mirror,  while  the  former 
is  to  represent  it  as  a  process  of  development,  and  yet  at  the 
same  time  as  a  complete  whole."  l  "Life  is  a  fearful  necessity, 
which  must  be  accepted  with  faith  and  belief,  but  which  no  one 
comprehends;  and  tragic  art  which,  in  annihilating  the  indi- 
vidual life  as  opposed  to  the  idea,  rises  at  the  same  time  above 
it,  is  the  most  penetrating  flash  of  human  consciousness,  that, 
to  be  sure,  can  illumine  nothing  which  it  does  not  at  the  same 
time  consume.  Tragic  art  arises  from  such  conceptions  alone, 
like  a  strange,  mysterious  flower  out  of  the  night-shadows, 
for  even  though  epic  and  lyric  poetry  now  and  then  may  play 
with  the  variegated  bubbles  of  appearance,  dramatic  poetry 
has  absolutely  to  grasp  the  inner  relations,  within  which  all 
isolated  existence  arises  and  passes  away,  and  these  are  fright- 
ful in  view  of  the  limited  vision  of  man."  2 

"The  epic  has,  as  our  aestheticians  assure  us,  an  incontes- 
table right  to  useless  comparisons ;  it  lingers  where  it  lists,  and 
depicts  what  it  pleases.  ...  As  far  as  the  drama  is  concerned, 
it  is  still  to  be  considered  that  though  epic  and  lyric  show  us 
narrators  and  singers,  thus,  in  a  certain  sense,  characteristic 
masks  with  definite  qualities,  the  drama  is  to  depict  for  us 
naked  man  as  he  acts  and  speaks  out  of  his  nature.  .  .  .  The 
place  where  the  dramatic  poet  ventures  to  employ  a  simile 
must  be  a  place  especially  suited,  and  the  comparison  itself 
must  be  so  rich  a  one  that  it  not  merely  makes  us  forget  the 
doubly  perceptible  pause,  but  raises  us  also  above  the  unusual 
part  of  seeing  the  people  in  the  pictures  spin  metaphors  which 
do  not  occur  to  them  in  real  life."  3  Parallel  with  a  portion  of 
his  work  on  the  "Nibelungen"  came  the  composition  of  "Mut- 
ter und  Kind,"  so  that  Hebbel  had  occasion  to  observe  in  his 
own  writing  the  necessary  differences  between  the  two  forms 
of  poetic  art,  the  narrative  poem  and  the  drama.  To  Fried- 
rich  von  Uechtritz  he  wrote  at  this  time:  "In  the  drama,  I 
feel  as  though  I  were  going  barefoot  over  glowing  iron,  in 
heaven's  name,  only  no  pauses ;  what  does  not  go  along  with 
the  first  impulse  does  not  belong  to  the  thing.  In  the  epic, 
on  the  other  hand,  one  might,  and  one  must  take  every- 

1  Tgb.  II.  2365.          2  Bw.  I.  155;  Tgb.  II.  2721.  3  Tgb.  III.  3669. 


44 

thing  along,  the  object,  as  well  as  the  shadow  which  it 
casts."  * 

With  these  ideas  as  to  the  essential  nature  of  epic  and  drama, 
Hebbel  set  to  work  to  find  the  dramatic  kernel  in  each  scene 
and  situation,  and  to  avoid  the  purely  episodical,  to  omit  what- 
ever of  detail  or  of  unnecessary  description  were  non-essentials 
to  the  main  action,  and  belonged  purely  to  the  epic  mass  of 
the  material;  while  he  contracted  or  combined  such  incidents 
as  were  too  deeply  imbedded  in  the  epic  whole  to  be  capable 
of  dramatic  treatment  singly,  or  such  as  could  be  brought 
together  within  the  compass  of  one  scene,  and  thus  contribute 
toward  dramatic  conciseness. 

Hebbel  omits  the  incidents  of  Siegfried's  education  which 
are  set  forth  in  such  detail  in  the  second  Canto,  and  his 
decision  upon  the  journey  to  Worms  and  the  preparations  for 
it,  since  all  that  we  need  to  know  regarding  these  points  may 
be  indicated  after  Siegfried's  entrance  into  Worms.  Thus, 
the  scenes  with  Siegfried's  father  and  mother  are  entirely 
omitted  as  unessential,  and  we  hear  of  them  only  incidentally. 
The  fourth  Canto,  with  its  lengthy  description  of  Siegfried's 
war  with  the  Danes  and  Saxons,  and  the  events  immediately 
resulting  from  it,  are  merely  referred  to  in  the  words  of  praise 
which  are  bestowed  on  Siegfried.  The  war  itself  was  an  epi- 
sode which  had  no  place  in  the  drama,  except  to  form  a  basis 
for  Hagen's  treacherous  conduct.  So,  too,  the  preparations 
for  the  trip  to  Iceland,  and  the  reception  there  after  a  twelve 
days'  journey,  as  well  as  the  games  by  which  Siegfried  won 
Brunhild,2  are  omitted  save  for  the  few  words  of  greeting  be- 
tween Brunhild  and  Siegfried  in  "Siegfrieds  Tod,"  Act  II.; 
and  Siegfried's  journey  to  the  Nibelungs,  which  forms  the 
subject  of  the  eighth  Canto,  is  barely  mentioned  in  the  scene 
where  the  dwarfs  carry  in  the  Nibelungen  treasure.  The 
omission  of  the  long  description  of  the  preparations  for  Brun- 
hild's reception  a  finds  its  only  compensation  in  the  first  short 
scene  of  the  second  act  of  "Siegfrieds  Tod,"  and  the  tourney 
in  honor  of  her  coming  is  merely  hinted  at  by  Rumolt  and  Dank- 
wart  in  the  first  scene  of  Act  III.  Hebbel  consistently  omits 
1  Bw.  II.  238.  >  VL  •  XI. 


45 

the  details  of  tourney,  of  pageantry,  and  of  apparel  which  are 
so  characteristic  a  part  of  the  mediaeval  version  of  the  saga, 
but  which,  far  from  being  an  essential  part  of  the  story,  often 
form  for  the  modern  reader  tiresome  descriptions  and  repe- 
titions, and  are  pure  excrescences  on  the  saga  material  for  the 
audience  of  a  particular  age. 

Cantos  XI.,  XII.,  and  XIII.,  are  taken  up  with  an  account  of 
the  return  home  of  Siegfried  with  his  wife,  and  of  the  events 
which  took  place  in  the  ten  years  before  their  visit  to  Worms 
with  Siegmund,  at  Gunther's  invitation.  All  this  causes  a 
protraction  of  time  and  incident  which  are  both  undramatic 
and  unnatural  from  a  modern  literary  standpoint,  and  Hebbel 
has  omitted  these  events  without  depriving  us  of  any  essential 
details.  He  omits  Kriemhild's  first  dream  of  the  swine  and 
simply  mentions  the  second,  which  is  introduced  with  great 
naturalness  in  answer  to  a  jest  from  Siegfried.  The  part  which 
Siegmund  and  his  men  take  in  the  mourning  and  burial  of 
Siegfried  is,  of  course,  also  omitted,  as  well  as  their  return  home, 
and  Kriemhild's  decision  to  remain  at  Worms.1 

Practically  all  of  Canto  XIX.,  "How  the  Nibelungen  hoard 
came  to  Worms,"  and  the  first  part  of  XX.,  "How  King  Etzel 
sent  to  the  land  of  the  Burgundians  for  Kriemhild,"  are 
omitted,  between  the  closing  scene  of  "Siegfrieds  Tod"  and 
the  opening  scene  of  "Kriemhilds  Rache."  Between  the  close 
of  the  first  act  of  "Kriemhilds  Rache,"  where  Kriemhild  con- 
sents to  wed  Etzel,  and  the  beginning  of  the  second  act,  where 
Etzel's  messengers  are  departing  after  having  brought  an  in- 
vitation to  the  feast  of  the  solstice,  occur  a  series  of  events  in 
the  Nibelungenlied  which  can  well  be  replaced  by  suggestion 
and  reference  only.  They  are  in  Canto  XXI.,  "How  Kriem- 
hild journeyed  to  the  Huns,"  Canto  XXII.,  "How  Kriemhild 
was  received  by  the  Huns,"  and  Canto  XXIII.,  "How  Kriem- 
hild thought  to  avenge  her  sorrows."  Of  the  journey  to  the 
Huns  and  the  wedding  in  Vienna,  we  have  the  merest  mention 
later,  on  the  occasion  of  the  reception  of  the  Burgundians  at 
Bechlarn,2  but  we  have  constant  hints  that  the  messengers 
have  been  sent  by  Kriemhild.  Canto  XXIV.,  "How  Werbel 
1  xvii.  f.  1 3596  f.,  3600. 


46 

and  Schwemmel  brought  the  message,"  is  thus  also  omitted  up 
to  the  arrival  of  the  messengers  at  Worms.  The  actual  events 
in  the  journey  of  the  Burgundians  to  the  land  of  the  Huns 
are  practically  omitted,  save  for  the  important  scenes  at  Bech- 
larn  l  which  complete  the  second  act.  From  the  sixth  scene 
of  the  third  act,  the  events  follow  with  some  degree  of  close- 
ness, though  with  great  omission  of  detail,  the  last  Cantos  of 
the  Nibelungenlied :  XXXII.,  "How  Blodelein  was  slain," 
and  XXXV.,2  "How  Iring  was  slain,"  are  simply  referred  to, 
the  one  in  Dankwart's  words  announcing  the  slaughter  of  the 
servants  and  in  Dietrich's  words:  — 

Irnfred  und  Blodel  und  die  Volker  mit;' 
the  other,  in  the  lines :  — 

Der  tapf  re  Iring  flog  der  Schaar  voran,4 
and 

Der  stolze  Iring  fiel.6 

Several  of  the  omissions  were  necessary  for  reasons  of  stage 
economy  as  well  as  for  dramatic  concentration ;  such  are  events 
which  bear  epic  description  but  cannot  well  be  represented  on 
the  stage.  In  this  category  are  the  contests  between  Siegfried 
and  Brunhild,9  the  incident  on  the  chase  with  the  bear  which 
Siegfried  brings  in  to  frighten  the  huntsmen,  the  race  to  the 
spring,  Hagen's  attempted  flight  after  the  murder,  and  Sieg- 
fried's revenge  through  the  blow  with  his  shield,7  Hagen's  en- 
counter with  the  mermaids,  and  his  slaying  of  the  boatman.8 

As  too  repulsive  to  a  modern  audience,  Hebbel  omits  Sieg- 
fried's corporal  punishment  of  Kriemhild  for  her  unruly  tongue,9 
while  he  passes  over  as  lightly  as  possible  Siegfried's  assistance 
on  the  wedding  night,  and  substitutes  for  the  first  night's  com- 
bat the  Amazon  defiance  of  Brunhild  on  the  ship. 

There  are,  as  well,  a  number  of  minor  omissions  such  as 
that  of  the  ring,  which  the  epic  makes  Siegfried  take  from 
Brunhild  besides  the  girdle;  and  that  of  the  formalities  of  an 
oath  on  Siegfried's  part  to  substantiate  his  innocence.  Not 

1  XXVII.,  XXVIII.,  ist  part.  »  C.  XXXIV.  *  5057. 

4  5047-  S505S-  'VII.  TXVI.  "XXV.         "XIV. 


47 

one  of  these  omissions  interferes  in  the  slightest  degree  with 
the  general  trend  of  the  action,  or  obscures  the  connection  of 
events  and  their  motivation. 

Hebbel  has  retained  all  the  characters  that  are  essential  to 
the  action,  but  numerous  minor  persons  of  the  Nibelungenlied 
are  omitted.  Siegmund  and  Sieglinde  are  merely  mentioned, 
and  we  have  no  Ortwin  of  Metz,  High  Steward  to  the  Burgun- 
dian  Kings.  We  only  hear  the  names  of  Liidegast  and  Ltide- 
ger,  of  Blodel  and  Irnfried,  while  Gere,  Hawart,  Hunolt,  Pil- 
grim Bischof  von  Passau,  and  the  numerous  characters  who 
have  a  name  rather  than  a  place  in  the  whole  are  omitted. 

Not  only  in  radical  omissions  of  narrative  descriptions  and 
episodic  details  does  Hebbel  strive  for  dramatic  concentration, 
but  also  in  his  scene  grouping,  which  calls  for  numerous  con- 
tractions and  combinations  in  the  material.  Many  of  the 
chief  contractions  have  already  been  indicated  under  the  head 
of  omissions.  Notable  and,  of  course,  necessary  for  dramatic 
treatment  is  the  material  shortening  of  time.  The  Prologue 
and  ''Siegfrieds  Tod"  cover  a  space  of  a  few  months  at  most, 
while  the  compass  of  events  which  they  include  extends  over 
a  period  of  more  than  twelve  years  in  the  Nibelungenlied. 
The  lapse  of  time  between  Brunhild's  entrance  into  Worms  and 
Siegfried's  death  is  but  a  few  days,  and  the  only  case  hi  which 
Hebbel  follows  the  epic  is  hi  having  the  space  of  three  days 
elapse  between  the  quarrel  of  the  queens  and  the  coming  of 
the  false  messengers.1  The  war  with  the  Danes  and  Saxons 
occurs  on  the  way  to  Brunhild,  the  quarrel  scene  takes  place 
the  morning  after  the  double  wedding,  and  no  return  to  Xan- 
ten  prolongs  the  rapid  course  of  the  action.  Between  Sieg- 
fried's death  and  the  final  downfall  of  the  Burgundians,  the 
Nibelungenlied  has  a  space  of  twenty-six  years,  and  Hebbel 
approximates  this  by  indicating  that  seven  years  had  elapsed 
after  Kriemhild's  marriage  before  the  coming  of  the  Burgun- 
dians, and  twenty  in  all  since  her  marriage  to  Siegfried.2  In 
the  Nibelungenlied  her  marriage  to  Etzel  extends  over  a  period 
of  seven  years  before  a  child  is  born  to  them,  but  they  are 

1  Nn.  2068.  Nl.  XV.  820.  References  are  here  given  simply  to  Lachmann's 
text.  2  3709  f. 


48 

married  another  six  years  before  the  visit  of  the  Burgundians. 
Why  Hebbel  chose  to  retain  the  long  interval  of  time  after 
Siegfried's  death  would  not  be  apparent  if  we  did  not  realize 
how  he  strove  in  every  way  to  account  for  the  changes,  or  rather 
the  course  of  development,  in  Kriemhild's  nature.  The  very 
characteristic  in  his  wife's  interpretation  of  Raupach's  Chriem- 
hild  which  so  filled  him  with  admiration  was  the  marvellous 
delineation  of  this  evolution  in  Chriemhild's  own  breast,  and 
Hebbel  wished  to  depict  the  possibility,  still  more,  the  necessity 
for  her  awful  vengeance.  And  so  he  gives  her  this  long  period 
in  which  to  attempt  to  gain  redress  in  every  straightforward 
way,  a  period  which,  instead  of  granting  her  satisfaction  and 
consolation,  brings  her  only  added  injury  and  with  it  an  ever 
growing  sense  of  wrong,  and  the  sacred  duty  of  revenge.  A 
slight  inconsistency  in  Hebbel's  treatment  of  time  is  seen  in 
Giselher's  plea  in  the  last  act  of  "Kriemhild's  Rache":  — 

Habe  doch  Erbarmen 
Mit  meinem  jungen  Leib.1 

For  since  he  was  but  ten  years  younger  than  Siegfried  at  the 
latter's  entrance,  he  cannot  be  a  stripling  now.2 

A  contraction  brought  about  by  a  combination  of  events  to 
bring  them  into  one  scenic  picture  is  found  in  the  Prologue, 
where,  at  Siegfried's  first  appearance  in  Worms,  occur  the 
games,  Ute's  interpretation  of  Kriemhild's  dream,  and  Sieg- 
fried's first  sight  of  her.  This  is  one  of  the  most  admirable 
instances  of  contraction  in  the  whole  play,  for  scene  iii.  is  a 
charming  and  absolutely  natural  picture,  and  gives  the  spec- 
tator an  opportunity  to  hear  of  Siegfried's  prowess  from  an 
immediate  onlooker,  while  it  indicates  the  rapid  workings  of 
love  in  the  heart  of  the  inexperienced  Kriemhild.  Gunther, 
too,  has  learned  of  Brunhild  before  Siegfried's  entrance,  so 
that  he  is  prepared  to  make  the  proposition  at  once  to  win  Sieg- 
fried's help  by  giving  him  his  sister.  The  fourth  scene  of  the 
Prologue  excellently  connects  the  accounts  of  the  dragon  and 
hoard,  with  additions  from  Norse  sources,  so  that,  with  the 
opening  scene  of  "Siegfrieds  Tod,"  we  are  fully  acquainted 

1  5217  *•  *  Cf.  433- 


49 

with  the  course  of  past  events  and  prepared  for  coming  devel- 
opments. 

Concentrated  into  one  scene  are  Brunhild's  arrival  and  wel- 
come, and  Siegfried's  betrothal  to  Kriemhild,  which  hi  the 
Nibelungenlied  occurs  later,  at  the  wedding  feast  of  Gunther 
and  Brunhild.  The  quarrel  scene  takes  place  directly  after 
Kriemhild  obtains  the  proud  knowledge  of  Siegfried's  supe- 
riority over  Gunther,  as  shown  in  his  contest  with  Brunhild. 
The  epic  has  the  strife  begun  earlier,  and  renewed  at  the  cathe- 
dral, both  before  and  after  mass ;  Hebbel  concentrates  it  into  a 
single  scene.  In  the  Lied,  Hagen  goes  to  Brunhild  later  to 
learn  her  trouble;  here,  he  is  on  hand  with  the  king  at  once, 
and  ready  to  plan  the  vengeance  which  Brunhild  demands. 
The  incident  with  the  first  false  messengers  is  omitted  in  its 
detail,  and  only  receives  mention  by  Hagen  to  arouse  Siegfried 
against  Liidegast  and  Liideger. 

All  the  events  in  Act  IV.,  preparatory  to  Siegfried's  murder, 
are  well  grouped  together  hi  a  hall  at  Worms,  and  the  events 
of  the  chase  are  materially  shortened  in  Act  V.,  both  by  the 
omissions  already  indicated,  and  by  the  mere  indication  of 
Siegfried's  marvellous  deeds. 

Act  I.,  scene  i.  of  "Kriemhilds  Rache"  shows  another  simple 
and  necessary  contraction,  in  giving  to  Riideger  only  one  au- 
dience with  the  Burgundians,  instead  of  a  second  on  the  third 
day,  as  in  the  Nibelungenlied,  and  only  one  with  Kriemhild, 
instead  of  two  on  successive  days.  Act  II. ,  scene  i.,  brings 
together  the  departure  of  Kriemhild's  messengers,  which  here 
takes  place  at  the  Danube  after  the  crossing,  the  account  of 
Hagen's  experiences  with  the  boatmen  and  the  mermaids, 
and  the  incident  with  the  chaplain.  Hebbel  could  do  no  more 
than  indicate  much  in  these  events,  but  he  wished  to  retain 
the  mythical  background,  in  order  to  presage  the  gloom  and 
downfall  awaiting  the  Burgundians. 

The  concentration  of  all  the  events  connected  with  Kriem- 
hild's messengers  and  with  the  journey  to  Etzel's  court  into 
Act  II.  has  been  partially  pointed  out.  Thus  the  main  inter- 
est in  this  expedition  is  centred  upon  Kriemhild's  attitude, 
Hagen's  suspicions,  and  the  part  which  he,  Rudeger,  and  Die- 


50 

trich  play  during  the  journey ;  it  is  not  diffused  over  the  details 
concerning  the  reception  of  the  messengers,  the  planning  for 
the  departure,  the  separate  episodes  on  the  way,  and  the  later 
addition  of  the  visit  to  Bishop  Pilgrim  of  Passau.  The  entire 
scene  at  Bechlarn  occurs  in  the  reception  hall,  while  the  epic 
has  the  betrothal  of  Giselher  and  Gudrun  take  place  later  at 
the  feast. 

Ute's  dream  is  merely  mentioned  in  Act  II.,1  and  is  introduced 
later  in  passing,  to  give  opportunity  for  new  light  on  Kriem- 
hild's  character  and  motives.2 

From  the  eighth  scene  of  Act  III.,  the  contractions  are  nu- 
merous, but  are,  almost  without  exception,  those  of  the  details 
in  which  the  last  terrible  stages  of  the  Nibelungenlied  so  richly 
abound,  and  which  would  have  lent  an  excessive  gruesomeness 
of  incident  and  an  altogether  epic  breadth  to  the  drama.  Chief 
among  the  changes  resulting  from  these  contractions  is  the 
minor  part  which  Hildebrant  plays  in  the  last  combat,  where 
he  is  simply  in  charge  of  the  Amelungen  archers,  and  where 
his  importance  lies  principally  in  his  connection  with  Dietrich. 

Hebbel's  absolute  additions  to  the  material  in  the  Nibe- 
lungenlied will  be  treated  later;  they  are  more  numerous  than 
his  enlargements.  Under  the  latter  head  may  be  classed  the 
games  of  the  Prologue  which  find  only  a  general  mention  in 
the  epic;  so,  too,  though  not  to  so  great  an  extent,  did  he  en- 
large upon  the  scene  preceding  the  double  wedding,  when 
Brunhild  asserts  her  disapproval  of  Kriemhild's  marriage  to 
Siegfried. 

The  incident  regarding  Siegfried's  attitude  towards  the 
false  messengers  is  excellently  enlarged  upon  in  a  scene  which 
shows  his  own  clean,  straightforward  nature  to  the  best  ad- 
vantage, and  his  righteous  indignation  at  the  perfidy  which 
he  thinks  the  Danes  and  the  Saxons  have  exercised  against 
the  Burgundians.3  He  gives  expression  to  his  own  character 
in  the  lines:  — 

Ich  kann 

Nichts  hassen,  als  den  Treubruch,  den  Verrath, 
Die  Gleissnerei  und  all'  die  feigen  Laster, 

1  3380  f.  »  3833  ff.,  cf.  4261  f.  3  S.  T.  IV.  ii. 


51 

Auf  denen  er  herankriecht,  wie  die  Spinne 
Auf  ihren  hohlen  Beinen.1 

Hebbel  also  skilfully  enlarges  upon  the  part  which  Hagen 
plays  in  bringing  the  Burgundians  to  the  point  of  consenting 
to  Siegfried's  murder,  and  of  his  deliberate  and  cunning  plan 
to  learn  from  Kriemhild  the  nature  of  Siegfried's  vulnera- 
bility. Excellently  drawn  is  the  scene  in  which  Hagen,  while 
apparently  trying  to  calm  Kriemhild's  fears,  arouses  within 
her  those  very  feelings  of  anxiety  and  apprehension  which 
produce  the  mood  conducive  to  her  confidence;  character- 
istic, too,  is  the  scene  where  Siegfried  learns  of  the  second 
company  of  messengers,  and  in  his  rage  is  the  more  ready  for 
the  chase  which  Hagen  offers  as  a  substitute.  Hebbel  enlarges 
materially  upon  the  farewell  scene  between  Siegfried  and  Kriem- 
hild. Here  she  vainly  attempts  to  keep  him  at  home,  and 
when  she  fails  in  this,  she  tries  without  avail  to  disclose  to  him 
her  incautious  betrayal  of  his  secret ; 2  he  enlarges  upon  the 
fears  which  fill  her  mind  and  send  her  to  Gerenot  and  Giselher 
for  help,  which  cause  her  appeal  to  Frigga,  and  which  furnish 
an  excellent  insight  into  Kriemhild's  feelings  of  sorrow  for 
wrong-doing,  anxiety  for  her  beloved,  and  distrust  of  the  Bur- 
gundians.3 She  is  aroused  to  the  state  of  nervous  tension  that 
makes  all  her  emotions  and  actions  on  the  morning  after  the 
chase  natural  and  inevitable. 

Dietrich's  warning  as  long  planned  and  carried  out  with 
definite  purpose  is  an  enlargement  which  tends  to  elevate  his 
character  to  that  of  an  important  personage  in  the  crisis  of  the 
action,  while  his  journey  with  Hildebrant  to  Bechlarn,  for  the 
purpose  of  delivering  the  message  in  time  to  allow  the  Bur- 
gundians to  turn  back,  brings  into  play,  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment,  his  share  in  the  action.  A  pretty  incident  in  passing 
centres  about  Nudung's  shield,  the  gift  which  Hagen  carried 
from  Bechlarn,  while  the  hall,  which  manuscript  C  briefly 
mentions,  is  given  full  description  hi  "Kriemhilds  Rache," 
Act  III.,  scene  vi.  Hebbel  also  emphasizes  the  Hunnish 
cowardice  which  the  epic  intimates;  he  enlarges  upon  Etzel's 

1  1814-1818.  2  S.  T.  IV.  xi.-3di.  •  S.  T.  IV.  xiii.-xvi. 


52 

excuses  for  Volker's  slaying  of  a  Hun,  and  adds,  as  reason, 
the  fact  that  the  Burgundians  believed  themselves  betrayed, 
and  that  their  confidence  as  guests  must  therefore  be  restored. 

The  scenes  in  which  Riideger  begs  to  be  released  from  his 
vow,  receive  here  their  first  true  expression  and  fully  show 
Riideger's  innocence,  as  well  as  impress  upon  us  the  deeds  of 
kindness  and  charity  which  had  characterized  Kriemhild  at 
Worms,  and  had  prevented  Riideger  from  suspecting  the  depth 
of  her  insatiable  hatred. 

There  are,  in  the  "  Nibelungen,"  a  number  of  changes  in 
the  material  which  come  under  none  of  the  heads  just  consid- 
ered, and  which  yet  belong  to  a  discussion  of  the  epic  as  a 
source.  Many  of  them  are  of  minor  importance,  and  without 
apparent  reason;  others  are  for  purposes  of  motivation  and 
character  portrayal.  Various  minor  touches  bring  out  Volker's 
minstrel  knowledge  of  people  and  things  and  perhaps  for  this 
reason  make  him  tell  the  tale  of  Brunhild  and  Siegfried,  and 
warn  against  the  fatal  wooing,1  while,  as  the  more  important 
character,  he,  instead  of  Dankwart,  is  the  fourth  member  of 
the  expedition  to  Isenland.  As  ennobling  Siegfried's  char- 
acter, we  have  the  fear  of  Kriemhild  replaced  by  Ute's  confi- 
dent feeling  that  Siegfried  is  not  the  knight  to  live  when  all 
others  fall;2  his  indifference  to  the  presents  of  Kriemhild 
changed  to  joy  at  the  smallest  token ; 3  his  motive  for  drinking 
last  to  honor  Gunther  changed  to  a  penance  for  his  slight 
harshness  to  Kriemhild  at  parting.4  The  Nibelungenlied 
has  Kriemhild  greet  Brunhild  first,  Hebbel  more  naturally 
gives  Ute  the  initiative;8  in  the  epic  Kriemhild  demands 
the  right  of  entering  the  cathedral  first,  here  she  is  driven  to 
take  precedence  by  Brunhild's  taunts  and  demands ; 6  in  the 
epic  she  shows  absolute  lack  of  thought  for  her  child,  here  her 
feelings  are  explained,  as  well  as  Giselher's  brotherly  aid  in 
sending  him  to  Siegmund's  court.7 

Hagen's  defiance  and  hatred  are  emphasized  by  his  brutal 
cry  even  before  Siegfried  is  dead:  — 

1  653  f.  4  Nl.  XVI.  919;  Nn.  2400-2404. 

8  Nl.  IX.  517;  Nn.  1005  ff.  •  Nl.  X.  545;  Nn.  1093  ff. 

1  Nl.  IX.  522;  Nn.  1048  S.  •  Nl.  XIV.  770;  Nn.  1659  ff.         7  3024  f. 


53 

Haut  Zweige  von  den  Baumen, 
Wir  brauchen  eine  Bahre.1 

It  is  he  who  proposes  saying  that  robbers  have  slain  Siegfried; 
it  is  he  who  drags  Siegfried's  body  to  Kriemhild's  door,  instead 
of  having  it  done ;  and  his  defiance  at  the  coffin  is  emphasized 
by  his  taking  of  Balmung  at  the  very  time  when  Siegfried's 
open  wounds  testify  against  him.  The  incident  of  the  shield 
filled  with  darts,  which  Hagen  is  obliged  to  let  fall,  and  which 
is  later  replaced  by  Riideger,  is  an  added  example  of  Hebbel's 
indifference  to  details.  In  the  Nibelungenlied,  Dankwart's 
shield  is  so  filled  with  spears  that  he  is  forced  to  drop  it,  while 
Hagen's  shield  is  hewn  into  pieces.2  Yet  Hebbel  writes  to 
Dingelstedt  of  his  desire  to  retain  "  that  feature  in  the  old  epic, 
that  Hagen's  shield  becomes  too  heavy  on  account  of  the  darts 
which  have  been  shot  into  it,  and  that  Riideger  offers  him  his 
own  before  the  beginning  of  the  fight,"  a  feature  which  he  had 
found  very  beautiful,  and  had  sought  to  rescue.3 

The  ennobling  of  Riideger's  character  has  already  been 
indicated ;  his  nobility  is  enhanced  by  the  fact  that  here  Kriem- 
hild  proposes  the  vow  to  which  Riideger,  unconscious  of  its 
real  significance,  submits,  while  in  the  Nibelungenlied  he  se- 
cretly agrees  to  avenge  her  wrongs.  Etzel  here  sets  fire  to  the 
hall,  instead  of  Kriemhild,4  for  the  Burgundians  have  refused 
to  give  up  the  Hunnish  dead  ;5  the  fight  within  the  hall  has  been 
granted  at  the  Huns'  entreaties.  The  dumbly  warning  figure 
of  Eckewart  supplants  the  messenger  whom  the  Burgundians 
find  sleeping  at  the  boundary. 

Other  minor  changes  are  in  making  Gunther  alone  king  of 
the  Burgundians;  in  making  Balmung  an  accidental  acquisi- 
tion,6 instead  of  a  gift  from  Niblung's  sons ;  in  making  Kriem- 
hild question  the  Danish  and  Saxon  kings  themselves,  instead 
of  their  messengers ; 7  in  making  Hagen,  instead  of  Gunther,  pro- 
pose the  chase ; 8  in  showing  to  Siegfried  the  whole  perfidy  of  the 
Burgundians  before  his  death ; "  in  ascribing  to  Siegfried  the 
proposal  to  separate  on  the  hunt ; 10  in  having  Rumolt  one  of 

1  2419  f.  »  Nl.  XXXII.  1881,  XXXVII.  2131;  Nn.  5007  ff.  5371  ff. 

«  Bw.  II.  73.  *  5086  ff.  7  994.  •  2445  «• 

4  5249  f.,  Cf.  4968  ff.          •  563  f.  '  2200.          10  2574. 


64 

the  Burgundian  guests  at  EtzePs  court;1  in  having  Hagen,  in- 
stead of  Riideger,  postpone  the  wedding  of  Giselher  and  Gudrun 
until  the  return ; 2  in  placing  the  burying  of  the  hoard  the  night 
before  the  departure;3  in  not  mentioning  definitely  the  slayers 
of  Volker,4  Dankwart,5  Gerenot,  and  Riideger;6  in  bringing 
Hagen  and  Gunther  bound  together,  instead  of  Hagen  first. 

Certain  changes  in  names  which  Hebbel  made  have  fre- 
quently no  apparent  reason,  and  simply  show  his  regal  indif- 
ference to  wholly  subordinate  details.  .  Hebbel  was  not  at  all 
concerned  that  every  reader  should  understand  each  smallest 
item  in  his  plays,  as  he  showed  in  response  to  the  Princess 
Witgenstein's  question  about  Siegfried's  reference  to  Roland,7 
and  in  his  reply  to  Uechtritz's  doubts  concerning  a  number  of 
details,  when  he  emphasized  his  opinion  that  a  certain  Rem- 
brandtian  "Helldunkel"  belongs  primarily  to  the  nature  of 
the  drama.8  Thus  Hebbel  had  doubtless  no  definite  reason 
for  giving  the  name  of  the  Margrave  of  Bavaria  to  the  ferry- 
man whom  Hagen  slays.  In  the  Nibelungenlied,  the  Mar- 
grave attempts  to  avenge  the  murder  of  the  boatman,  and  is 
slain  by  Dankwart.  Rather  confusing  than  otherwise  is  his 
giving  to  Rudeger's  daughter  the  name  Gudrun,  by  which 
Kriemhild  is  known  in  the  Norse  sources.  Only  in  the  Klage 
is  her  name  mentioned,  and  here  it  is  Dietelint.8  Hebbel  calls 
the  child  of  Kriemhild  and  Etzel  Otnit,  while  in  the  epic  his 
name  is  Ortlieb.  In  the  Nibelungenlied,  Iring  is  Hawart's 
vassal  from  Denmark,  Irnfried  is  Landgrave  of  Thuringia, 
and  both  live  at  Etzel's  court.  In  the  last  struggle,  Iring  is 
slain  by  Hagen,  Irnfried  by  Volker.  Hebbel  introduces  Iring 
and  Thiiring  as  northern  kings,  as  noble  lords  of  Denmark 
and  Thuringia,10  while  Thuring  and  Irnfried  are  later  mentioned 
as  two  separate  persons." 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  cursory  classification  of  the  changes 
which  Hebbel  made  on  the  basis  of  the  South- German  version 


1  K.  R.  II.  i.,  note;  V.  iii.  7  Bw.  II.  474  f.,  cf.  59. 

2  Nl.  XXVII.  1624;  Nn.  3751  f.  8  Ibid.  290. 

*  4562  ff.  *  Nl.  Hildebrant.  *  i349»  2111,  2126. 

1  Nl.  Helprich.  10  K.  R.  Personen,  14  f.,  3510  f.,  4700. 

•  Nl.  each  by  the  other's  hand.  "  5056  f. 


55 

of  the  saga,  that  the  noted  deviations  from  the  transmitted 
material  are  for  the  most  part  of  three  kinds.  First,  those 
modifications  which  conduce  to  dramatic  concentration  and 
grouping;  second,  those  which  explain  and  motivate  the  rela- 
tionship and  the  sequence  of  the  action ;  and  third,  those  which 
ennoble  certain  characters. 

2.      NORSE   MYTH  AND   SAGA 

Hebbel's  use  of  the  Norse  sources  is  here  grouped  together 
for  two  reasons:  in  many  instances,  more  than  one  source 
contains  the  material  which  Hebbel  used,  so  that  it  cannot  be 
said  with  certainty  from  which  he  directly  drew;  again,  a  clas- 
sification of  Norse  borrowings  under  separate  headings  would 
cause  unnecessary  repetition.  Hebbel  never  specifically  men- 
tions the  Norse  literature,  though  he  refers  indirectly  to  the 
mythology  of  the  Edda.1  We  have  Kulke's  authority  for  the 
statement  that  he  knew  the  Edda  as  well  as  he  knew  Shake- 
spere  and  Sophocles,2  and  in  the  majority  of  instances  where  a 
direct  Norse  borrowing  can  be  traced,  the  material  can  be 
found  in  the  Eddie  songs  or  in  the  Snorra  Edda. 

Particularly  in  the  character  of  Brunhild,  Hebbel  found  it 
necessary  to  amplify  the  fragmentary  account  contained  in 
the  Nibelungenlied.  Yet  the  Norse  versions  did  not  fully 
meet  his  requirements,  and  he  acknowledges  that  his  Brunhild 
is  a  more  independent  creation  than  the  other  principal  char- 
acters of  his  "  Nibelungen."  In  a  letter  to  Friedrich  von 
Uechtritz,  November  21,  1856,  he  writes,  "The  most  difficult 
problem  was  Brunhild,  who  stands  out  in  the  whole  like  an 
only  half- written  hieroglyphic;  here  I  had  to  reckon  on  a 
creation,  and  in  reward  for  my  courage  it  came,  too,  at  the 
right  time."  3  This  is  a  hint  which  the  investigator  must  not 
overlook  in  tracing  sources,  for  the  temptation  frequently  arises 
to  find  too  much  rather  than  too  little.  In  the  same  letter, 
Hebbel  gives  a  further  hint  as  to  sources  which  is  valuable  here : 
"With  this  I  experienced  a  little  triumph.  In  my  picture, 

1Nachl.  II.  205;  Bw.  I.  130;  Tgb.  II.  3265. 
1  Kulke,  63.  »  Bw.  II.  235;  Tgb.  IV.  6065. 


56 

valkyrie  and  norn  flowed  inseparably  together,  and  this 
caused  me  anxiety  when,  after  the  intoxication,  reflection  set 
in  again;  then  I  found  to  my  consolation  in  Grimm's  German 
Mythology,  that  in  the  oldest  times  the  people  really  regarded 
norns  and  valkyries  as  united."  In  several  instances,  Hebbel 
has  evidently  referred  to  Grimm  in  questions  of  mythology, 
where  the  deficiencies  of  the  Nibelungenlied  made  Norse  bor- 
rowings desirable.1 

106-108.     Giselher. 

Schon  hort'  ich  tausend  Zungen  von  ihm  plappern, 

Doch  wie  die  Vogel  durch  einander  zwitschern, 

Es  gab  kein  Lied. 
2009.     Kriemhild. 

Was  doch  in  Liedern  schon  gesungen  wird. 
3258  f.     Und  hatt'st  Du  nur  das  Ammenlied  gehorcht, 

Womit  man  jetzt  am  Rhein  die  Kinder  schreckt. 

Gripir  prophesies  that  Sigurd's  name  shall  live  as  long  as 
the  world  stands.2 

no.    Volker. 

Im  tiefen  Norden,  wo  die  Nacht  nicht  endet. 

Hebbel,  in  common  with  the  other  modern  poets  who  have 
rejuvenated  the  figures  of  the  Nibelungen  saga,  has  regarded 
and  described  Brunhild's  home  as  Iceland,  and  has  connected 
her  with  Norse  mythology.  Aside  from  the  fact  that  this  local- 

1  In  giving  the  citations,  the  following  works  have  been  used:  for  both 
Eddas,  Simrock,  "Die  Edda  die  altere  und  jiingere  nebst  den  mythischen 
Erzahlungen  der  Skalda  ubersetzt  und  mit  Erlauterungen  begleitet,"  1851, 
which  was  the  first  complete  translation  of  the  Poetic  Edda  together  with  the 
mythical  portions  of  the  Prose  Edda;  the  numbers  in  parenthesis  refer  to  the 
text  edition  of  Finnur  J6nsson  for  the  Eddie  songs,  and  to  the  edition  of  Wilken 
for  the  prose  Edda.  For  the  Volsungasaga,  references  are  by  chapter  to  the 
edition  of  Ranisch,  for  the  Nornageststhattr  to  the  text  edition  of  Wilken,  for 
the  Thidrekssaga  to  Unger's  edition,  and  the  translations  of  von  der  Hagen  and 
Rassmann.  The  abbreviations  are,  as  far  as  possible,  those  used  by  Gering 
in  his  "  Vollstandiges  WSrterbuch  zu  den  Liedern  der  Edda."  In  several 
instances,  the  titles  of  songs  in  Simrock's  translation  differ  from  those  in  Gering 
and  the  later  editions.  Thus,  Bdr.,  Baldrs  draumar,  corresponds  to  Simrock, 
Vegtamskvidha;  Rm.,  Reginsmcll,  to  Sigurdharkvidha  Fafnisbana  onnur;  Sg., 
Sigur^arkviba  en  skamma,  to  Sigurdharkvidha  Fafnisbana  thridhja;  Brs.,  Brot 
af  Sigur^arkvibo  or  SigurJ>arkvi|>a  en  meire,  to  Brot  af  Brynhildarkvidhu; 
Ls.,  Lokasenna,  to  Oegisdrecka.  l  Grp. 


57 

ization  of  Brunhild's  kingdom  had,  in  the  early  half  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  more  followers  than  now,  this  choice  has 
the  distinct  poetic  value  of  a  land  geographically  and  histori- 
cally well  known,  but  rarely  visited,  and  therefore  shrouded 
in  a  certain  romantic  mystery.  Hebbel  has  interwoven  his 
description  of  the  island  with  mention  of  Hekla  and  other 
volcanoes,  of  the  aurora  borealis,  and  with  references  to  the 
animals  and  the  pursuits  of  the  far  north.1 

120-127.    Volker. 

Du  weisst  von  Runen,  die  geheimnissvoll 

Bei  dunkler  Nacht,  von  unbekannten  Handen 

In  manche  Baume  eingegraben  sind; 

Wer  sie  erblickt,  der  kann  nicht  wieder  fort, 

Er  sinnt  und  sinnt,  was  sie  bedeuten  sollen, 

Und  sinnt's  nicht  aus,  das  Schwert  entgleitet  ihm, 

Sein  Haar  wird  grau,  er  stirbt  und  sinnt  noch  immer: 

Solch  eine  Rune  steht  ihr  im  Gesicht ! 

This  is  one  of  the  many  instances  where  Hebbel  adds  to  or 
fashions  over  well-known  mythology.  The  magic  of  runes 
was  acknowledged  throughout  Norse  territory.  Odin,  accord- 
ing to  the  H^vam^l,  invented  them  by  sacrificing  himself  and 
hanging  wounded  for  nine  nights  on  the  world-ash  Yggdrasil.2 
Brynhild  has  been  pricked  by  the  sleep-thorn  of  Odin,  into 
which  he  had  scratched  magic  runes.3  After  her  awakening, 
she  brings  Sigurd  a  drink  which  has  the  magic  of  runes,4  and 
teaches  him  the  uses  and  meanings  of  the  various  runic  sym- 
bols,5 as  Gripir  had  prophesied.8  In  the  Edda,  it  is  through 
the  magic  of  inscriptions  within  the  cup  that  Grimhild  suc- 
ceeds in  making  Sigurd  forget  Brynhild  and  wed  Gudrun.7 
Kostbera,  Hggni's  wife,  possesses  an  understanding  of  runic 
inscriptions,  and  on  this  account  realizes  the  falseness  of  the 
messenger,  and  endeavors  to  dissuade  the  Burgundians  from 
the  journey  to  Atli.8 

Hebbel  connects  the  runes  with  North  Germanic  heathen- 
dom in  its  purest  form.  They  play  a  part  at  the  beginning 

1  in  ff.,  131,  827  ff.,  880  ff.  •  Ibid.  6-19. 

1  H$v.  139  f.  (J  V.  i  f.).  §  Grp.  17. 

8  Sd.  2  (J3).  '  GJ>r.  II.  22  (J23). 

*  Ibid.  5  (Ju).  •  Am.  9,  n  f.;  Vs.  24. 


58 

of  Brunhild's  earthly  life,  but  she  loses  her  direct  relations 
with  them  through  her  Christian  baptism.  Frigga  is  the 
only  absolute  believer  in  their  truth  and  power,  and  as  the  sole 
representative  of  uncontaminated  heathendom,  she  alone  is 
capable  of  deciphering  the  runic  tablet  which  Odin  brought 
with  the  child.  The  tablet  has  told  that  the  child's  games  and 
sports  would  serve  as  a  sign  and  hint  for  the  actions  of  Frigga 
and  her  people.  If  Frigga  had  but  read  earlier  the  contents 
of  the  tablet,  she  would  have  refused  to  obey  the  priests  who 
commanded  the  child's  baptism,  and  would  thus  have  kept 
her  within  the  pale  of  absolute  heathendom.  The  tablet  had 
revealed  that  the  knight  who  possessed  Balmung  and  the 
Nibelungen  hoard  should  ride  through  the  sea  of  flame  and 
win  her,  but  Frigga  declares  that  she  must  have  read  wrong, 
since  the  flame  is  extinguished  without  the  wooer's  making 
his  appearance.  Frigga  has  also  read  that  prophetic  revela- 
tions will  be  given  to  Brunhild  "in  der  Stunde  der  Entschei- 
dung,"  and  this  second  sign  she  believes  to  be  infallible.  After 
Siegfried's  death,  Brunhild's  sole  indication  of  life,  with  the 
exception  of  her  first  awful  curse,  is  to  eat  and  drink  and  study 
the  runes.  Thus  Hebbel  indicates  that  she  re  enters  the  pales 
of  heathendom  after  she  has  discovered  the  truth  of  the  runic 
inscriptions  and  the  intrigue  of  those  who  have  taken  her  from 
her  home  and  its  old  gods.1 

136-142.    Volker. 

Doch  ist  das  ode  Land,  das  sie  gebar, 

Auf  seinen  einz'gen  Schatz  auch  eifersiichtig 

Und  hiitet  sie  mit  solcher  neid'schen  Angst, 

Als  wiird'  es  in  demselben  Augenblick 

Vom  Meere,  das  es  rings  umbraust,  verschlungen, 

Wo  sie  dem  Mann  in's  Brautbett  folgt.     Sie  wohnt 

In  einer  Flammenburg. 

Hebbel  does  not  make  the  difficulty  of  wooing  Brunhild  rest 
upon  a  decree  or  vow,  as  do  the  Norse  versions.  The  reason 
given  for  the  difficulty  of  the  wooing  is  that  the  land  is  desirous 
of  retaining  its  one  great  treasure,  its  queen,  and  that  she  fights 
to  preserve  her  virginity.  The  poet  combines  here  the  Amazon 
1  746  f.,  768-780,  1247  f.,  2800-2815. 


59 

of  the  Nibelungenlied,  with  her  contests,  and  the  Valkyrie  of  the 
north,  with  her  protecting  Waberlohe.  In  the  Norse  versions, 
she  is  asleep  on  a  rock,1  and  her  slumber,  which,  according  to 
the  decree  of  the  Norns,  cannot  be  broken,2  is  Odin's  punish- 
ment for  disobedience.3  According  to  Sigrdrifom^l  and  the 
Volsungasaga,  Brynhild  had  replied  to  his  decree  that  she 
should  no  longer  act  as  Valkyrie  by  taking  the  vow  that  she 
would  wed  no  man  who  knew  fear ; 4  in  the  Skdldskaparmdl, 
she  vows  to  wed  only  him  who  can  ride  through  the  flame.5  In 
the  Helreip,  it  is  Odin  who  has  destined  for  her  the  man  who 
knows  no  fear.6 

It  is  possible  that  Hebbel  at  first  did  not  intend  to  combine 
the  Norse  sea  of  flame  with  the  Middle  High  German  contests. 
Manuscript  H  has,  ehrner  Berg,  above  that  Eisen-Burg,  and  over 
this  again  Flammenburg,  in  the  first  description  by  Volker  of 
Brunhild  and  her  land.  In  Siegfried's  account  of  his  first  visit 
to  her,  he  says:  — 

Bald  spent  ein  Flammensee 
Den  Weg.7 

The  Eddas,  the  Volsungasaga,  and  the  Nornagestssaga,  all  men- 
tion a  rock  upon  which  Brynhild's  fortress  lies,  and  give  to  it 
the  name  of  Hindarf  jail ; 8  in  the  Helreip,  it  is  called  Skatalund.9 
It  is  described  as  surrounded  by  flame.  Oddninagra'tr  has  a 
combat  take  the  place  of  the  ride  through  the  flames.10 

189-191.     Siegfried. 

kUhn  genug,  mit  Thor 

Zu  kampfen  um  den  Donner,  wenn  sie  ihn 

In  irgend  einem  Eichenhaine  trafen. 
674-676.     Brunhild. 

Den  alten  Gottern ! 

Jetzt  herrscht  das  Kreuz  und  Thor  und  Odin  sitzen 

Als  Teufel  in  der  Holle. 
3126-3130.     Giselher. 

Und  wenn  die  alten  Knechte  uns  im  Stall 

1  Fm.  43  (J8,  Bugge  43).  5  Sk.  chap.  41  (Wilken,  p.  118). 

*  Fm.  44  (J9,  Bugge  44)-  *  Hlr.  9  (Jio). 

8  Fm.  43;  Sd.  2  (J3).  T  631  f.,  cf.  also  772  f.,  789-784. 

4  Sd.,  prose  between  4  and  5  (J3  and  n). 

8  Sg.  introductory  prose  (J  Fm.  bet.  9  and  10).  Sk.  41,  Fm.  42  (J7,  Bugge 
42);  Vs.  20;  Norn.  5.  •  Hlr.  9  (Jio).  l°  Od.  19. 


60 

Vom  Donn'rer  Thor  erzahlten,  dass  wir  glaubten, 
Er  draue  selbst  beim  falben  Schein  der  Blitze 
Dutch's  Bodenloch  hinein,  so  sah  er  aus, 
Wie  Hagen,  wenn  er  seine  Lanze  wirft. 
Ms.  Th.  3632. 

Iring:  Bei'm  Hammer  Thors. 

Thor  was  probably  next  in  importance  to  Odin  among  the 
Norse  gods.  He  was  the  god  of  thunder,  his  symbol  the  ham- 
mer, and  to  him  the  oak  tree  was  sacred.1  It  seems  probable 
that  Hebbel  carried  over  this  last-named  mythological  fact  to 
Odin,  for  he  speaks  of  Wodans-Eiche,  and  Wodan's  Eichenhain? 
Whether  Hebbel  attempted  to  be  consistent  in  his  use  of  the 
Norse  form,  Odin,  and  the  German  form,  Wodan,  it  is  difficult 
to  say.  Frigga  consistently  says  Odin,3  and  Volker,  in  his 
vision  of  the  hoard,  in  which  he  reverts  to  the  Norse  account, 
uses  the  same  form;4  the  chaplain,  on  the  other  hand,  says 
Wodan,5  while  the  northern  king  Iring  says  Wodan  and  Odin.6 
Loki  is  the  only  other  Norse  god  whom  Hebbel  mentions,  the 
reason  for  his  omission  of  Honir  in  Volker's  vision  may  be  that 
Loki  is  well  known  in  German  literature,  while  Honir  is  little 
cited.7 

489-491.    Siegfried. 

Einen  Mann  nur  giebt's, 

Der  sie  bewalt'gen  und,  wie's  ihm  gefallt, 

Behalten  oder  auch  verschenken  kann ! 
774-776.    Brunhild. 

Der  Recke  mit  der  Balmungklinge.  .  .  . 

Der  hoch  zu  Rosse  ihn  durchreiten  sollte, 

Nachdem  er  Fafners  blut'gen  Hort  erstritt. 
2165-2168.    Hagen. 

Ein  Zauber  ist's, 

Durch  den  sich  ihr  Geschlecht  erhalten  will, 

Und  der  die  letzte  Riesin  ohne  Lust, 

Wie  ohne  Wahl,  zum  letzten  Riesen  treibt.8 

The  idea  of  fatalism  in  Siegfried's  power  over  Brunhild, 
which  Hebbel  uses  to  account  for  his  ability  to  conquer  her,  is 
suggested  in  the  Edda :  — 

1  Grimm,  147,  Weinhold,  81.  *  1063. 

*  1063,  3566.  •  3566,  Ms.  Th.  3530. 

*  675,  877.  7  Rm.  intr.  prose. 

4  4337-  8  Cf.  also  Ms.  H.  3540  ff. 


61 

Brunhild. 

Sein  ware  sie, 

Wenn  es  das  Schicksal  wollte.1 

Verheissen  hatt  ich  mich 
Dem  hehren  Konig, 
Der  mit  Golde  sass 
Auf  Granis  Rucken.1 

Dariiber  reiten 
Nur  sollte  der  Recke, 
Der  das  Gold  mir  brachte 
Im  Bette  Fafnirs.3 

In  the  above  quoted  line  775,  and  very  casually  in  lines  264 
and  1351  f.,  we  have  the  only  references  to  Siegfried's  horse,  to 
which  the  Norse  accounts  give  so  much  importance.  According 
to  the  Volsungasaga,  it  was  an  offspring  of  Sleipnir,  Odin's 
horse,  and  was  given  to  Sigurd  by  the  god  himself.  In  the 
Regensmyl,  Sigurd  chooses  his  horse  from  the  stud  of  Hjalprek ; 
in  the  Thidrekssaga,  it  is  a  gift  of  Brynhild.4 

527  f.    Hagen. 

Du  warst  schon  dort? 
Siegfried. 

Ich  war's !    Doch  warb  ich  nicht, 

Auch  sah  ich  nur,  ich  wurde  nicht  geseh'n ! 
647-650.    Siegfried. 

Denn  Brunhild  riihrte,  wie  sie  droben  stand, 

In  aller  ihrer  Schonheit  nicht  mein  Herz, 

Und  wer  da  fiihlt,  dass  er  nicht  werben  kann, 

Der  griisst  auch  nicht. 

The  incidents  of  Siegfried's  first  visit  to  Brunhild  are,  of 
course,  inventions,  but  the  account  of  an  earlier  visit  and 
betrothal  is  given  in  some  of  the  Eddie  songs,  in  the  Skalds- 
kaparmal,  and  in  the  Volsungasaga.5 

1  Sg.  3,  Gering;  ihm  selbst  war  das  Weib  versagt  vom  Schicksal. 
'  Sg.  36  (J4o). 

3  Hlr.  10  (Jn),  cf.  Hlr.  9;  Vs.  20,  27,  29. 

4  Vs.  13;  Rm.  intr.  prose;  Thidr.  168;  cf.  Vkw.  15  (Ju);  H.  H.  I.  41  (J44>J 
Sd.  17. 

s  Grp.  15  ff. ;  Sd. ;  Sk.  41 ;  Vs.  20  f.  In  Fm.  40  ff.  ( Js  ff.,  Bugge  40  ff.),  Sg., 
and  Hlr.  n  ff.  (Ji2  ff.),  Sigurd  sees  Brynhild  for  the  first  time  when  he  rides 
through  the  flames  in  Gunnar's  form. 


62 

542  f.    Siegfried. 

Die  ihren  Vater.  .  .  . 

Erschlagen. 
2884  f.    Hagen. 

Die  Nibelungen  haben  ihren  Vater 

Um  Gold  erschlagen. 

Hebbel  makes  use  of  the  Nibelungenlied  in  his  account  of  the 
winning  of  the  hoard,  but  in  making  King  Niblung's  sons  the 
murderers  of  their  father,  he  follows  the  Norse  versions.  In  the 
Regensmgl  and  Volsungasaga,  Fafnir  alone  kills  Hreidmar.1 
In  the  Skaldskaparmal,  both  brothers  murder  their  father  :  Da 
kamen  die  Briider  iiberein,  ihren  Vater  des  Goldes  wegen  zu 
todten.2 

568  f.    Siegfried. 

und  so  ward  ich  Erbe 
Des  ganzen  Hortes. 

In  the  Famesm^l,  the  birds  say  :  — 

"So  soil  er  den  Schatz  besitzen  allein, 
Wie  viel  des  unter  Fafnir  lag." 

"So  sind  die  Schatze, 
Die  Fafnir  besass, 
Ihm  allein  zu  eigen."  * 
608.    Siegfried. 

Den  Zauber  der  im  Blut  des  Drachen  steckte. 
615-619. 

Ja  auch  die  Vogelsprache  !  Als  ein  Tropfe 

Des  Zauberbluts  mir  auf  die  Lippen  sprang, 

Verstand  ich  gleich  das  Zwitchern  iiber  mir, 

Und  hatt'  ich  nicht  zu  rasch  ihn  abgewischt, 

So  wiird'  ich  auch,  was  hiipft  und  springt,  versteh'n. 

Here  again  Hebbel  combines  the  Norse  and  German  versions. 
Alberich  discloses  to  Siegfried  the  secret  of  the  dragon's  blood 
to  give  invulnerability,  and  Siegfried  discovers  its  power  to 
impart  an  understanding  of  the  language  of  birds.  In  the 
Fafnesm^l,  Regin  drinks  Fafnir's  blood,  and  bids  Sigurd  roast 
the  heart  in  order  that  he  may  eat  it.  Sigurd  tests  the  meat  to 
see  if  it  is  done,  and,  burning  himself,  he  puts  his  finger  in  his 

1  Rm.  prose 
'  Sk-  4i. 


d,  burning  himself,  he  puts  his  finger  i 

between  9  and  10  (  J  A8  and  Ap)  ;  Vs.  14. 

*  Fin.  34  (J4i),  38  (J33). 


63 

mouth,  and  thus  understands  at  once  the  language  of  birds.1 
The  Gupriinarkvipa  endows  Gudrun  also  with  an  understand- 
ing of  the  voices  of  birds,  by  reason  of  eating  Fafnir's  heart.3 
Fafnesm^l  and  the  Volsungasaga  call  the  birds  ig/>or,  which 
Simrock  translates  Adlerinnen;  Gering,  Spechtmeisen.  Hebbel 
changes  to  Krdhen,  Dohlen  und  Eulen.3  The  Thidrekssaga 
alone  of  the  older  sources  combines  the  double  virtue  of  the 
dragon's  blood  to  give  an  understanding  of  the  language  of 
birds,  and  to  make  the  skin  invulnerable.4  The  possibility  of 
its  imparting  an  understanding  of  what  hops  and  springs  is  a 
pure  invention. 

626-629.    Siegfried. 

Brunhild  wird 

Gennant,  auch  ich.    Ein  Knauel  dunkler  Reden 
Hiniiber  und  hertiber.     Ein's  nur  klar, 
Dass  noch  ein  Abentheuer  meiner  harrt. 

Again,  in  the  Fafnesm^l,  the  birds  say:  — 

"Auf  dem  Steine  schlaft 
Die  Streiterfahrene, 
Und  lodernd  umleckt  sie 
Der  Linde  Feind. 
Mit  dem  Dorn  stach  Yggr 
Sie  einst  in  den  Schleier, 
Die  Maid,  die  Manner 
Morden  wollte. 

"Schaun  magst  du,  Mann, 
Die  Maid  unterm  Helme, 
Die  aus  dem  Gewtthl  trug 
Wingskornir  das  Ross, 
Nicht  vermag  Sigrdrifas 
Schlaf  zu  brechen 
Ein  Fiirstensohn 
Eh  die  Nornen  es  fiigen."  s 
632-634.    Siegfried. 

eine  Burg,  wie  gliihendes 
Metall  in  blaulich-griinem  Schimmer  leuchtend, 
Taucht  driiben  auf. 

1  Fm.  27  ff.;  cf.  Sf.;  Sg.;  Vs.  19.  *  GJ»r.  intr.  prose. 

*  625  f.  «  C.  166.  •  Fm.  43  '•  (J8  *-,  Bugge  43  f.). 


64 

The  birds  describe  Brynhild's  abode  in  the  Fafnesm^l:  — 

Ein  Hof  ist  auf  dem  hohen  Hindarfiall 
Ganz  von  Glut  umgeben  aussen.1 
634-637-    Siegfried. 

Da  ruft 

Die  Dohle :  Zieh'  den  Balmung  aus  der  Scheide 
Und  schwing'  ihn  dreimal  um  das  Haupt !    Ich  thu's 
Und  schneller  wie  ein  Licht  erlischt  der  See. 

According  to  the  songs  of  the  Edda,  the  sea  of  flame  seems  to 
disappear  upon  Sigurd's  approach.1 

"Siegfrieds  Tod,"  I.  Frigga.  For  the  name  of  the  old  nurse 
and  priestess,  Frigga,  Hebbel  has  used  a  combination  of  the 
names  Frigg,  the  wife  of  Odin,  and  Freyja,  daughter  of  Njord 
and  sister  of  Freyr.  The  myths  concerning  Freyja  are  in  many 
cases  mingled  with  those  concerning  Frigg.  Grimm  calls  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  the  various  forms  and  even  meanings  of  the 
two  names  very  often  approach  each  other,  and  cites  examples 
from  Paulus  Diaconus,  Saxo  Grammaticus,  etc.,  which  practi- 
cally show  interchangeability  of  the  two  names.2 

672-674.    Frigga. 

Ich  habe 

Den  alten  Gottern,  eh  der  Mond  zerbrach, 

Ein  Opfer  dargebracht. 
780.  So  opfre  Kind. 

With  the  old  German!,  the  moon  had  decided  influence  upon 
important  undertakings,  which  were  only  begun  when  the 
moon's  light  was  favorable.  Tacitus  says  that  the  Germani 
held  their  assemblies  at  new  or  full  moon,  but  does  not  say 
whether  the  period  was  favorable  for  all  enterprises.  Weinhold 
knows  of  three  great  sacrifices  held  yearly,  in  summer,  in  the 
autumn,  and  in  midwinter.3 

687.    Frigga. 

Ein  Greis. 
693-696. 

Sein  Haar  war  weiss  wie  Schnee, 

Und  langer,  als  ich's  je  bei  einem  Weibe 

1  Fm.  42  (Jy,  Bugge  42),  cf.  also  Vs.  20;  Sd.  intr.  prose  (J  Fm.  prose 
after  9). 

2  Grimm,  278  f.;  Gering,  18  f.  s  Grimm,  671  ff.;  Weinhold,  77. 


65 

Gesehen  habe,  wie  ein  weiter  Mantel 
Umwallt'  es  ihn,  und  hinten  schleppt'  es  nach. 

In  Harbarj>slj6}>,  Odin  appears  under  the  name  of  Harbar]>, 
"grey-beard."  The  descriptions  of  Odin  in  the  Norse  sources 
usually  make  him  old  and  one-eyed,  enveloped  in  a  huge  blue 
mantle,  with  a  broad  hat  pulled  low  over  his  brow.1 

713-715.    Frigga. 

Sie  war 

An  der  Geburt  gestorben  und  mit  ihr 
Zugleich  die  Frucht. 
718-721. 

Viele  Jahre  hatte 

Er  sich  umsonst  dies  holde  Gliick  gewiinscht, 
Und  einen  Monat  friiher,  als  es  kam, 
Ereilte  ihn  ein  jaher  Tod. 

The  Volsungasaga  gives  an  account  of  the  births  of  Volsung 
and  Sigurd.  Reri  and  his  wife  desire  for  many  years  a  child; 
finally  Frigg  and  Odin  intervene  and  send  a  wish-maiden  with 
an  apple.  Reri  becomes  ill  and  dies  while  on  a  military  ex- 
pedition, and  after  six  years  the  child  Volsung  is  cut  from  his 
mother,  who  thus  dies  in  giving  him  birth.2  Sigurd  likewise  is 
born  after  his  father's  death  on  the  field  of  battle.3 

Norns  and  Valkyries. 
751  f.    Frigga. 

Und  unter  Nornen  und  Valkyrien 

Such'  Dir  die  Mutter,  wenn  Du  eine  hast. 

Hebbel's  use  of  the  Norns  and  Valkyries  is  interesting  as 
typifying  his  attitude  towards  his  Norse  sources.    It  has  been, 
seen  that  his  picture  of  Norn  and  Valkyrie  involuntarily  mingled, . 
without  any  definite  knowledge  on  his  part  of  a  justification  for ' 
such  treatment.     He  was  the  creator,  far  more  than  the  investi- 
gator.   In  the  above  lines,  Frigga  voices  the  Norse  conception  of 
Brunhild  by  declaring  her  probable  descent  fromNoms  and  Val- 
kyries, and  Hagen,  urging  upon  Siegfried  a  second  conquest,  says : 

1341-1344- 

Die  stolze  Erbin  der  Valkyrien 

1  Cf.  Vs.  3,  ii ;  Grimm,  133.  J  Vs.  i  and  2.  *  Sf.;  Vs.  11-13. 


66 

Und  Nornen  Hegt  im  Sterben,  todte  sie  ganz 
Dann  lacht  ein  munt'res  Weib  uns  morgen  an, 
Das  hochstens  spricht:  ich  habe  schwer  getraumt! 

Brunhild's  references  to  her  horse  may  also  be  a  suggestion 
of  the  Valkyrie :  — 

884  f. 

Muthig  tummle 

Ich  meinen  Rappen,  frohlich  tragt  er  mich. 
887  f. 

Schaudernd  reiss  ich 
Das  Ross  herum. 

The  Edda  makes  frequent  references  to  Brynhild,  as  a  Val- 
kyrie, and  to  the  Valkyries  as  riding:  — 

Sie  sah  Walkuren 
Weither  kommen, 
Bereit  zu  reiten 
Zum  Rath  der  Cotter.1 

Fafnesmql  calls  Brynhild  die  Streiterfahrene  (Norse,  folk- 
vitr,  i.e.,  fight-maiden,  Valkyrie).2  Sigdrifomgl  says:  Sie 
nannte  sich  Sigrdrifa  und  war  Walkiire.8 

It  is  particularly  in  Brunhild's  vision  where  Norn  and  Val- 
kyrie join.  Brunhild  suddenly  realizes  her  supernatural  sig- 
nificance, and  pictures  it  in  visionary  form.4  On  this  subject, 
Grimm  says,  referring  to  the  fact  that  Skuld  occurs  as  a  name 
for  a  Norn  and  for  a  Valkyrie :  "from  this  appears  the  community 
between  Norns  and  Valkyries,  but  also  their  dissimilarity.  A 
dis  can  be  both,  Norn  and  Valkyrie,  the  functions  are  separate, 
generally  the  oersons  as  well."  5 

897.    Frigga. 

Nun  sieht  sie  selbst,  was  ihr  die  Nome  spinnt ! 

The  Eddie  songs  picture  the  Norns  as  twisting  and  fastening 
the  cord,  while  they  determine  for  each  man  his  lot  and  the 
length  of  his  life.  Often  their  decree  is  whimsical,  depending 
upon  the  state  of  their  feelings.6  Their  occupation  is  orlog 
drygja:  — 

1  Vsp.  24  (Ji;).  *  908  ff.,  1715-1719;  cf.  Vsp.  and  Njals.  c.  157. 

2  Fm.  43  (J8,  Bugge  43).  5  Grimm,  393. 

3  Sd.  prose  between  4  and  5  (J3  and  n).  8  Ibid.  379  ff. 


67 

Durch  Myrkwidr  flogen 

Madchen  von  Sttden, 

Ahlwit  die  junge, 

Urlog  (Schicksal,  Kampf)  zu  entscheiden 

Sie  sassen  am  Strande 

Der  See  und  ruhten, 

Schones  Linnen  spannen, 

Die  sudlichen  Frauen.1 

The  visit  of  the  Norns  at  Helgi's  birth  is  thus  described :  — 

Sie  schniirten  mit  Kraft 
Die  Schicksalsfaden 
Dass  die  Burgen  brachen 
In  Bralundr. 
Goldene  Fa'den 
Fiigten  sie  weit. 
Sie  mitten  festigend 
Unterm  Mondessaal.2 

Inmittelst  giengen 

Grimme  Nornen. 
Brynhild. 

"Langes  Leid 

Schuf  uns  leide  Nome ! "  * 
3575-3578.    Dietrich. 

Du  siehst  ein  Bild  und  weisst  es  nicht  zu  deuten, 
Und  erst,  wenn  was  geschieht,  besinnst  Du  Dich, 
Dass  Dir's  die  Nome  schon  vor  Jahr  und  Tag 
In  Schattenttanzen  vorgegaukelt  hat! 

This  reference  to  the  shadow  dances  of  the  Norns  is  a  pic- 
turesque invention,  or  is  a  symbolic  way  of  implying  that  early 
warnings  are  only  realized  and  heeded  when  it  is  too  late. 
Gunther,  in  his  determination  to  face  whatever  awaits  him,  once 
they  have  started  on  their  way  to  the  Huns,  knows  no  stronger 
expression  for  his  firmness  than  to  say :  — 

3788-3790. 

Ja,  wenn  die  Nome  selbst 
Mit  aufgehob'nem  Finger  mich  bedraute, 
Ich  wiche  keinen  Schritt  zuriick ! 

1  Vkv.  i. 

'  H.  H.  I.  2  ff.  (J3). 

3  Sg.  5,  7;  cf.  also  Fm.  44,  Ghr.  II.  36  (J39);  Fm.  n,  Simrock  translates 
wrongly;  Gering  has:  Am  Vorberg  schon  wird  dich  fallen  die  Nome. 


68 

2027-2029.     Kriemhild. 

Ich  fiirchte  die  Valkyrien !    Man  sagt, 
Dass  sie  sich  stets  die  besten  Helden  wahlen, 
Und  zielen  die,  so  trifft  ein  blinder  Schutz. 

This  is  a  somewhat  forced  reference  to  Valkyries,  but  strictly 
true  to  Norse  mythology.  The  function  of  the  Valkyrie  in  bat- 
tle is  not  merely  to  receive  the  souls  of  dead  heroes,  and  bear 
them  to  Valhalla,  but  to  determine  the  victory  as  well.  They 
ride  to  battle  to  carry  out  Odin's  behests,  and  it  was  because  of 
particular  disobedience  in  not  granting  the  victory  as  Odin  had 
commanded,  that  Brynhild's  long  sleep  was  imposed  upon  her.1 
Odin  warns  Sigurd :  — 

"Tmgdisen  stehn  dir 
Zu  beiden  Seiten 
Und  wollen  dich  verwunden."  * 
776.  Fafners.  .  .  .  Hort. 

This  is  the  only  mention  of  the  name  of  Fafnir,  who,  accord- 
ing to  Norse  versions,  was  the  sole  possessor  of  the  hoard.  Heb- 
bel  attempts  to  reconcile  the  various  accounts  of  the  history  of 
the  treasure  by  making  Siegfried  win  from  Niblung's  sons  the 
hoard  which  is  guarded  by  the  dragon.3 

778-780.    Frigga. 

ich  weiss  es  lange, 

Dass  Deiner  in  der  Stunde  der  Entscheidung 
Die  Offenbarung  harrt. 
918-920.     Brunhild. 

denn  mein  Auge 

Durchdringt  die  Zukunft,  und  in  Handen  halt'  ich 
Den  Schliissel  zu  den  Schatzen  dieser  Welt. 

As  Frigga  had  learned  from  the  tablet,  Brunhild  is  endowed 
with  prophetic  powers  at  the  hour  of  final  decision,  and  Brun- 
hild, in  the  course  of  her  vision,  speaks  of  fate  as  having  conse- 
crated her  to  be  its  high  priestess. 

In  the  Edda  and  Volsungasaga,  Brynhild  has  the  gift  of 

1  Cf.  Grimm,  292  f.  This  office  of  the  Valkyrie  is  seen  Vsp.  24  (Ji?);  Sd. 
prose  between  2  and  3  (J3  and  n);  Sg.  38;  Od.  15;  Gl.  c.  36. 

1  Rm.  24  (J  AiS). 

3  57°~59I>  cf-  Rm-  prose  between  9  and  10,  13  and  14  (J  prose  4  and  7); 
Vs.  19. 


69 

prophecy.  In  SigurJ>arkviJ>a  en  Skamma,  the  revelation  also 
comes  at  a  fateful  time,  just  before  her  death.1  Between  stanzas 
21  and  22,  several  strophes  have  doubtless  been  lost,  in  which 
Brynhild  tells  Sigurd  that  evil  will  arise  from  their  union. 

880-883.    Brunhild. 

statt  .  .  . 

.  .  .  die  eingefror'ne 
Seeschlange  zu  erlosen  aus  der  Haft, 
Damit  sie  den  Planeten  nicht  zerpeitsche. 

This  is  doubtless  an  obscure  reference  to  the  Midgard  ser- 
pent, which,  according  to  the  Edda,  is  the  offspring  of  Loki  and 
Angurboda,  a  giantess,  by  whom  he  also  begot  the  Fenriswolf 
and  Hel.  Odin  cast  the  serpent  into  the  sea,  where  it  surrounds 
all  lands,  and  lies  with  its  tail  in  its  mouth  until  the  Ragnarok, 
when  Thor  slays  it.2 

944.     Giselher. 

Als  kamen  Mensch  und  Zwerg  and  Alf  zugleich. 

Hebbel  has  employed  the  Norse  word  Alf  instead  of  the  Ger- 
man Elbe.  Elves  and  dwarfs  are,  in  Germanic  mythology, 
supernatural  beings  of  lower  rank.  The  poet  has  probably 
used  this  phrase  in  much  the  same  way  as  the  Edda  employs 
the  words  aesir  ok  dljar,  to  express  a  concept  of  higher  beings.3 

1275-1284.    Truchs. 

Auch  fiihren  diese  Nibelungen-Recken 

Gar  wunderliche  Reden. 
Wulf. 

Von  dem  Raben ! 

Was  war  es  doch?    Ich  hab's  nur  halb  gehort. 
Truchs. 

Ein  Rabe  hat  sich  auf  das  Gold  gesetzt, 

Als  man's  zum  Schiff  hinunter  trug,  und  so 

Gekrachzt,  dass  Siegfried,  weil  er  ihn  verstand, 

Sich  erst  die  Ohren  zugehalten  und 

>Siff.  (Js3ff.);cf.  Sd.  20  f.  (JS). 

2  Cf.  Vsp.  50,  56,  59  (J34,  39,  43);  Hym.  22-24  (321-23);  Gl.  c.  34,  47  f., 
51;  and  cf.  Bw.  I.  i3o,"eine  Midgardtschlange,  die  sich  in  den  Schwanz  beisst 
und  nicht  mehr  zu  kauen,  nur  wiederzukauen  braucht!"     Referred  to  again, 
Tgb.  II.  3265. 

3  Cf.  Vsp.  53  (J  unnumbered,  Bugge  48). 


70 

Gepfiffen,  dann  nach  ihm  mit  Edelsteinen 

Geworfen,  und  zuletzt,  weil  er  nicht  wich, 

Sogar  den  Speer  geschleudert  haben  soil ! 
2326-2333.    Siegfried. 

Verfluchte  Raben, 

Auch  hier?  .... 

Mit  jeglichem  Gethiere  warf  ich  schon 

Nach  diesem  Schwarm,  zuletzt  mit  einem  Fuchs, 

Allein  sie  weichen  nicht  und  dennoch  ist 

Mir  Nichts  im  frischen  Griin  so  widerwartig, 

Als  solch  ein  Schwarz,  das  an  den  Teufel  mahnt. 

Dass  sich  die  Tauben  nie  so  um  mich  sammeln ! 
2945-2947.    Hagen. 

Die  Raben  kreisen  warnend  um  ihn  her, 

Er  aber  denkt:  Ich  bin  bei  meinem  Schwaher, 

Und  wirft  sie  mit  dem  Fuchs  und  jagt  sie  fort! 

The  ascription  of  prophetic  gifts  to  birds  is  frequently  found 
in  the  Eddas.1  In  Brot  af  Sigurj>arkvi)>o,  a  raven  foretells  the 
Burgundian  downfall :  — 

Gesunken  war  Sigurd 

Siidlich  am  Rhein, 

Von  hoher  Heister 

Schrie  heiser  ein  Rabe 

"In  Euch  wird  Atli 

Die  Schwertecken  rothen 

Eure  Eide 

tJberwinden  Euch,  Morder ! "  2 

In  Germanic  folk-lore,  the  devil  frequently  assumes  the  form 
of  a  raven,  while  the  dove  is  often  spoken  of  as  its  antithesis. 
The  connection  of  the  raven  with  the  devil  may  be  due  not 
merely  to  its  blackness,  cunning,  and  swiftness,  but  also  as  in 
the  case  of  the  wolf,  to  its  connection  with  Odin.  In  the  refer- 
ences to  Siegfried's  understanding  of  the  language  of  the  birds, 
Hebbel  adds  the  popular  superstition  which  makes  ravens 
birds  of  ill-omen  and  opposed  to  the  dove  who  brings  good 
fortune.  Probably  Hebbel  means  to  indicate  the  supernatural 
qualities  of  Siegfried  by  having  the  birds  of  Odin  accompany 
him.  Two  ravens,  Huginn  and  Muninn,  are  ascribed  to 

1  H.  H.  I.  i,  5,  6;  Fm.  32-38,  40-44  (Ji  ff.,  Bugge  32  ff.);  Brs.  5,  and  ac- 
cording to  13,  a  stanza  after  5  in  which  an  eagle  prophesied  (]g).  *  Brs.  5. 


71 

Odin,  who  sit  upon  his  shoulder  and  tell  him  everything  which 
they  see  and  hear.1 

2280-2282.     Kriemhild. 

Ihr  Vogel,  die  ihr  mich  umkreist, 
Ihr  weissen  Tauben,  die  ihr  mich  begleitet, 
Erbarmt  Euch  meiner,  warnt  ihn,  eilt  ihm  nach ! 

At  Brunhild's  reception  at  Worms,  Ute  attributes  the  harsh- 
ness of  her  nature  to  her  life  and  environments,  and  typifies  this 
attitude  by  saying :  — 

1176-1179. 

Bei  dem  Geschrei  der  Krahen 
Und  Raben,  das  sie  horte,  konnte  sich 
Ihr  Herz  nicht  offnen,  doch  es  wird  gescheh'n 
Bei  Lerchenruf  und  Nachtigallenschlag. 
1833-1835.     Siegfried. 

Ein  Rabe  hatt'  ihm  dann 
Die  Augen  ausgehackt  und  sie  verachtlich 
Vor  seinen  Herren  wieder  ausgespie'n. 

This  expression  of  anger,  when  Siegfried  hears  of  the  supposed 
treachery  of  the  Danes  and  Saxons,  recalls  the  Eddie  figure :  — 

Das  ga.be  dir,  Gudrun, 

Erst  Grund  zu  weinen, 

Wenn  Mir  auch  die  Raben 

Das  Herz  zerreissen.2 
1536-1545.     Brunhild. 

Wenn  er  dabei  so  hoch  an  Haupt  und  Gliedern 
Hervorragt  vor  den  Andern,  dass  man  glaubt, 
Er  sammle  sich  von  alien  Konigen 
Der  Welt  die  Kronen  ein,  um  eine  einz'ge 
Daraus  zu  schmieden  und  die  Majestat 
Zum  ersten  Mai  im  vollen  Glanz  zu  zeigen, 
Denn,  das  ist  wahr,  so  lange  auf  der  Erde 
Noch  mehr  als  eine  glanzt,  ist  keine  rund, 
Und  statt  des  Sonnenringes  tragst  auch  Du 
Nur  einen  blassen  Halbmond  auf  der  Stirn ! 
1570  f.     Brunhild. 

Du  bist 
Der  Starkste  auf  der  Welt,  d'rum  peitsche  ihn. 

Brunhild's  expressed  motives  for  urging  Gunther  to  humiliate 
1  Grm.  20  (Tio);  Gl.  c.  38;  Grimm,  134.  2  G>r.  II.  10. 


72 

Siegfried  may  have  some  connection  with  Brynhild's  taunting 
remarks  after  the  murder,  in  the  Edda,  and  to  her  speech  in- 
citing Gunnar  to  the  deed:  — 

"Nun  werdet  ihr  walten 
Des  Landes  und  der  Waffen : 
Die  hatte  der  Hunische  (wrong  for  Sigurd) 
Beherrscht  allein, 
Liesst  ihr  das  Leben 
Ihn  langer  behalten.1 

"Lang  mogt  ihr  der  Lande, 
Der  Leute  geniessen, 
Da  ihr  den  Kiihnen 
Konig  falltet."  2 

Sie  mahnte  die  Manner 

Zum  Mord  im  Zorn 

Ganz  und  gar 

Sollst  du,  Gunnar,  entsagen 

Mir  zumal 

Und  meinen  Landen. 

Nicht  froh  hinfort, 

Werd  ich,  Fiirst,  bei  dir. 

So  du  nicht  sterben 
Lassest  den  Sigurd 
Und  vielen  Fiirsten 
Furchtbar  gebietest.3 
2571.     Kriemhild. 

Geh'  nur  hinuber  zu  Brunhild 
Sie  isst  und  trinkt  und  lacht. 

This  is  a  direct  borrowing  from  the  Edda :  — 

Da  lachte  Brynhfld 
Die  Burg  erscholl.2 

Da  lachte  Brynhild, 
Budlis  Tochter, 
Heute  noch  einrnal 
Aus  ganzem  Herzen 
Da  bis  an  ihr  Bette 
Durchbrach  den  Raum 

1  Brs.  8  (Jia).  »  Brs.  10  (Ji4).  8  Sg>  g  f>  QIO  f ), 


73 

Der  gellende  Schrei 
Der  Giukis  Tochter.1 
2800-2807.    Gunther  (of  Brunhild  after  Siegfried's  death) 

sie  fluchte  uns 

Noch  grauenvoller,  als  Kriemhild  uns  fluchte, 
Und  loderte  in  Flammen  auf,  wie  nie, 
Seit  sie  im  Kampf  erlag. 
Hagen. 

Sie  brauchte  Zeit, 
Um  sich  hinein  zu  finden. 
Gunther. 

Als  ich  sie 

Nun  mahnte,  dass  sie  selbst  es  ja  geboten, 
Goss  sie  den  Wein  mir  in's  Gesicht  und  lachte, 
Wie  ich  die  Menschheit  noch  nicht  lachen  horte. 

The  Edda  has:  — 

Wie  sie  mit  Weinen 
Nun  sprach  von  dem  Werk 
Zu  dem  sie  lachend 
Die  Helden  hid.2 

Anhub  da  Gunnar, 

Der  Habichte  Fiirst: 

"Schlag  kein  Gelachter  aus, 

Schadenfrohe, 

Heiter,  in  der  Halle 

Als  bracht  es  dir  Heil. 

Wie  hast  du  die  lautere 

Farbe  verloren, 

Verderbenstifterin, 

Die  selbst  wohl  verdirbt."  * 

3162-3168.     Kriemhild. 

Der  Rabe,  der  im  Wald 
Den  oden  Platz  umflattert,  wo's  geschah, 
Hort  nimmer  auf  zu  kreisen  und  zu  krachzen, 
Bis  er  den  Racher  aus  dem  Schlaf  geweckt. 
Wenn  er  das  Blut  der  Unschuld  fliessen  sah, 
So  findet  er  die  Ruh'  nicht  eher  wieder, 
Bis  das  des  Morders  auch  geflossen  ist. 

This  is  possibly  a  reminder  of  Hagen's  words  in  the  Edda 

Siehe  den  Sigurd, 
Dort  gegen  Siiden, 

1  Sg.  30.  2  Brs.  19.  8  Sg.  31;  cf.  also  Vs.  30,  31. 


74 

Hore  die  Krahen, 
Und  Raben  krachzen, 
Falken  froh 
Die  Fliigel  schlagen 
Und  Wolfe  heulen 
Um  deinen  Helden.1 

Lines  3164-3166  are  doubtless  an  invented  enlargement  upon 
mythology  and  popular  superstition. 

3356.    Volker  (of  Werbel  and  Swemmel) 

Die  reden  falsch !     Das  ist  gewiss ! 
4221.     Volker  (of  Werbel) 

O,  der  ist  falsch,  wie's  erste  Eis ! 

The  entire  first  part  of  "Kriemhilds  Rache,"  Act  I.,  scene  i., 
teems  with  hints  that  the  Hunnish  messengers  are  treacherous.2 

In  the  Nibelungenlied,  no  guilt  attaches  to  them;  in  the 
Edda  and  Volsungasaga,  on  the  other  hand,  Vingi  or  Knefrqd 
falsifies  the  message. 

Das  Gesinde  trank, 

Noch  schwiegen  die  Listigen, 

In  der  Halle  den  Wein 

In  Furcht  vor  den  Hunnen. 

Da  kundete  Knefrod 

Mit  kalter  Stimme, 

Der  siidliche  Gesandte, 

Vom  hohen  Sitze.3 

Er  sandte  schnelle  Boten, 
Dass  seine  Schwager  kamen. 

Da  ritzte  sie  Runen; 
Doch  vor  der  Reise 
Verfalschte  sie  Wingi, 
Der  Bringer  der  Fahr. 

Nicht  Einem  ahnte  Trug 
Ob  ihrer  Ankunft. 

Hognis  Hausfrau 
Kostbera  hort  es, 
Da  gieng  die  kluge 
Und  grusste  die  Boten.4 

1  G)>r.  II.  8.  '  Cf.  3311-3355.  *  Akv.  2.  4  Am.  2-6. 


75 

3571-3573-    Dietrich. 

Ich  sass  einst  eine  Nacht  am  Nixenbrunnen 

Und  wusste  selbst  nicht,  wo  ich  war.    Da  hab'  ich 

Gar  viel  erlauscht. 
3768.    Volker. 

Und  weise  Nixen,  die  dem  Zauberborn 

Entstiegen  — 
4810.    Dietrich. 

Ich  sitze  wieder 

Am  Nixenbrunnen. 
4827  f. 

Vom  Schopfungsborn,  und  wie  er  kocht  und  quillt 

Und  uberschaumt  in  Miilionen  Blasen. 

The  H^vam^l  says :  — 

Zeit  ist's  zu  reden 

Vom  Rednerstuhl 

An  Urdas  Brunnen 

Sass  ich  und  schwieg, 

Sass  ich  und  dachte 

Und  merkte  der  Manner  Reden.1 

Urdas  Brunnen  is  the  spring  of  Urd,  the  chief  of  the  Norns, 
at  the  foot  of  the  ash  Yggdrasil,  where  the  gods  assemble  for 
their  councils. 

Gylfaginning  15 :  Da  fragte  Gangleri :  Wo  ist  der  Gotter  vor- 
nehmster  und  heiligster  Aufenthalt  ?  Har  antwortete :  Das  ist 
bei  der  Esche  Yggdrasills :  da  sollen  die  Gotter  taglich  Gericht 
halten.  .  .  .  Bei  der  andern  Wurzel  ...  ist  Mimirs  Brunnen, 
worin  Weisheit  und  Verstand  verborgen  sind.  Der  Eigner  des 
Brunnens  heisst  Mimir  und  ist  voller  Weisheit,  weil  er  taglich 
von  dem  Brunnen  aus  dem  Giallarhom  trinkt. 

3827  f.     Kriemhild. 

Und  meine  Mutter  schickt  mir  diese  Locke 
Und  fugte  nicht  ein  einz'ges  Wort  hinzu? 

In  the  Norse  versions,  Gudrun  attempts  to  warn  her  brothers 
through  the  messenger  in  a  similar  manner :  — 

Gunnar  to  Hogni. 

"Was  rieth  uns  die  Sch wester, 
Die  den  Ring  uns  sandte, 
In  Wolfskleid  gewickelt? 

1  H<jv.  in  (JIV.  i). 


76 

Mich  diinkt  sie  warnt  uns. 
Mit  Wolfshaar  gewahrt  ich 
Den  rothen  Ring  umwunden: 
Gefahrlich  ist  die  Fahrt, 
Die  wir  fahren  sollen."  l 

In  the  Drap  Niflunga,  Gudrun  sends  warnings  in  runic  words 
and  to  Hqgni  the  ring  Andvaranaut  to  which  she  attaches  a 
wolfs  hair.  In  Atlamql,  the  warning  is  simply  through  a 
message.2  The  Volsungasaga  combines  the  warning  of  the 
runes  and  the  wolf's  hair.3 

4139-4150.    Rumolt. 

Ich  guckt'  einmal  in  eine  finst're  Hohle 
Durch  einen  Felsenspalt  hinein.     Da  gliihten 
Wohl  dreissig  Augenrader  mir  entgegen, 
Griin,  blau  und  feuergelb,  aus  alien  Ecken 
Und  Winkeln,  wo  die  Thiere  kauerten, 
Die  Katzen  und  die  Schlangen,  die  sie  zwinkernd 
In  ihren  Kreisen  drehten.     Schauerlich 
Sah's  aus,  es  kam  mir  vor,  als  ha'tt'  sich  eine 
Gestirnte  Holle  tief  im  Mittelpunkt 
Der  Erde  aufgethan,  wie  all  die  Funken 
So  durch  einander  tanzten,  und  ich  fuhr 
Ziiruck,  weil  ich  nicht  wusste,  was  es  war. 

4153-4164.    Dankwart. 

An  Schlangen 

Und  Katzen  fehlt's  gewiss  nicht.     Ob  auch  Lowen 
Darunter  sind? 
Rumolt. 

Die  Probe  muss  es  lehren, 
In  meiner  Hohle  fehlten  sie.     Ich  suchte 
Den  Eingang  auf,  sobald  ich  mich  besann, 
Denn  draussen  war  es  hell,  und  schoss  hinein. 
Auch  traf  gar  mancher  Pfeil,  wie  das  Geachz 
Mir  meldete,  doch  hort'  ich  kein  Gebriill 
Und  kein  Gebrumm,  es  war  die  Brut  der  Nacht, 
Die  dort  beisammen  sass,  die  feige  Schaar, 
Die  kratzt  und  sticht,  anstatt  zu  off  nem  Kampf 
Mit  Tatze,  Klau'  und  Horn  hervor  zu  springen. 

This  is  possibly  a  reference  to  the  Norse  accounts  of  Gunnar's 
end:  — 

1Akv.  8.  J9ff.  (Jnf.).  "Vs.  33. 


77 

Den  lebenden  Fiirsten 
Legte  der  Wachter  Schaar 
In  den  tiefen  Kerker 
Da  krochen  wimmelnd 
Scheusliche  Schlangen.1 
4237-4240.    Hagen. 

Mein  Freund,  wir  sind  auf  deinem  Todtenschiff, 
Von  alien  zwei  und  dreissig  Winden  dient 
Uns  keiner  mehr,  ringsum  die  wilde  See, 
Und  iiber  uns  die  rothe  Wetterwolke. 
4284-4286. 

Nein,  das  vom  Todtenschiff  ! 
Das  Letzte,  wie  der  Freund  den  Freund  ersticht, 
Und  dann  die  Fackel  —  Das  geht  morgen  los. 

Hebbel  probably  thought  here  of  the  Norse  death-ship, 
Naglfar,  which  the  giants  use  in  their  last  expedition  against  the 
gods.  It  is  the  largest  of  all  ships,  is  made  from  the  nails  of 
dead  men,  and  is  owned  by  MuspelPs  sons  ;  in  the  great  Fimbul- 
winter,  it  is  cast  loose,  with  the  giant  Hrym  as  helmsman.  After 
the  gods  have  been  vanquished,  Surt  casts  fire  over  the  earth 
which  consumes  the  whole  world.2 

4S75-458S-    Dietrich. 

Wie  ihre  wilden  Vater  sich 
Mit  eig'ner  Hand  nach  einem  lust'  gen  Mahl 
Bei  Sang  und  Klang  im  Kreise  ihrer  Caste 
Durchbohrten,  wenn  des  Lebens  beste  Zeit 
Voriiber  schien,  ja  wie  sie  trunk'nen  Muths 
Wohl  gar  ein  Schiff  bestiegen  und  sich  schwuren, 
Nicht  mehr  zuruckzukehren,  sondern  draussen 
Auf  hoher  See  im  Brudermorderkampf, 
Der  Eine  durch  den  Anderen,  zu  fallen, 
Und  so  das  letzte  Leiden  der  Natur 
Zu  ihrer  letzten  hochsten  That  zu  stempeln. 

4829  f. 

Von  einem  letzten  Herbst, 
Der  alle  Formen  der  Natur  zerbricht. 

These  are  probably  references  to  the  Fimbulwinter  which  the 
describes  thus  :  — 


1  Akv.  31  (J  unnumbered,  Bugge  31);  cf.  Vs.  37.  2  Vsp.  50;  Gl.  43,  51. 


78 

B  ruder  befehden  sich, 

Fallen  einanders 

Geschwisterte  sieht  man 

Die  Sippe  brechen, 

Unerhortes  eraugnet  sich, 

Grosses  Unrecht. 

Der  Eine  schont 

Des  Andern  nicht  mehr.1 
4320-4322.     Volker. 

Die  gier'gen  Zwerge  haben's  gleich  gehascht 
Und  hiiten's  in  der  Teufe.    Lasst  es  dort, 
So  habt  Ihr  ew'gen  Frieden ! 
4324-4326. 

Und  zu  dem  Fluch,  der  in  ihm  selber  liegt, 

Hat  noch  ein  neuer  sich  hinzugesellt : 

Wer's  je  besitzt,  muss  sterben,  eh's  ihn  freut. 

4334-4336. 

So  haben  es  die  Zwerge 
In  ihrer  Wuth  verhangt,  als  sie  den  Hort 
Verloren. 

The  original  curse  which  was  connected  with  the  hoard  is 
never  mentioned  in  the  Nibelungenlied,  but  only  exemplified  by 
the  death  of  its  possessors.  Throughout  Volker's  vision,  Heb- 
bel  resorts  to  the  Norse  sources  to  give,  in  shadowy  outlines,  a 
history  of  the  hoard  and  the  calamity  attaching  to  its  possession. 
"  Da  sagte  der  Zwerg,  der  Ring  solle  Jedem,  der  ihn  besasse, 
das  Leben  kosten.2 

"  Loki  sah  all  das  Gold,  das  Andwari  besass.  Aber  als  dieser 
das  Gold  entrichtet  hatte,  hielt  er  einen  Ring  zuriick.  Loki 
nahm  ihm  auch  den  hinweg.  Da  gieng  der  Zwerg  in  den  Stein 
und  sprach :  — 

'Nun  sollen  das  Gold 

Das  Gustr  hatte, 

Zweien  Briidern 

Und  der  Edelinge 

Acht  verderben: 

Mein  Gold  soil  Keinem 

Zu  Gute  kommen.'  " s 

1  Vsp.  46  (J  30),  cf.  also  Gl.  51.  J  Sk.  39. 

3  Rm.  5  and  preceding  prose  (JB.  I.).  Similarly  Vs.  14,  18;  cf.  Nachl.  II. 
301,  "  Auf  dem  'Theilen'  liegt  ein  Fluch  seit  den  Nibelungen;  Konig  Niflungs 
S6hne  schlugen  sich  todt  dabei  und  in  der  Bibel  geht  es  nicht  besser  her." 


79 

4333-    Volker. 

Weil  es  die  ganze  Welt  in  Flammen  setzen 
Und  Ragnaroke  liberdauern  soil. 

Ragnarqkr  is  the  word  used  in  the  Edda  to  signify  the  down- 
fall of  the  gods  ;  rqkr  means  darkness,  gloom,  ragna  being  the 
genitive  plural  of  regin,  in  the  sense  of  divinity,  godhead. 

idjge.  .  .  . 

es  i  byndom  skal 


the  wolf  which  shall  be  in  bonds  until  the  Ragnarok.1 

4336-4341.    Hagen. 

Wie  geschah's? 
Volker. 

Durch  Gotter-Raub! 
Odin  und  Loke  batten  aus  Verseh'n 
Ein  Riesenkind  erschlagen,  und  sie  mussten 
Sich  losen. 
Hagen. 

Gab's  denn  einen  Zwang  fiir  sie? 
Volker. 

Sie  trugen  menschliche  Gestalt  und  batten 
Im  Menschenleibe  auch  nur  Menschenkraft. 

The  introductory  prose  of  the  Reginsm^l  gives  this  account  of 
the  hoard:  "  Regin  .  .  .  tells  Sigurd  ...  of  the  adventure, 
how  Odin,  Honir,  and  Loki  had  come  to  Andwarafors.  In  this 
waterfall  was  a  multitude  of  fish.  Otr,  said  Regin,  was  the 
name  of  our  brother,  who  often  swam  in  the  fall  in  the  form  of 
an  otter.  He  had  taken  a  salmon  and  sat  on  the  bank,  and  ate 
blinking.  Loki  threw  a  stone  and  killed  him.  The  gods 
thought  they  had  been  very  lucky,  and  took  off  the  otter's  skin. 
That  same  evening  they  sought  shelter  with  Hreidmar  and 
showed  their  booty.  Then  we  seized  them  and  laid  upon  them 
as  a  ransom  to  fill  the  otter's  skin  with  gold  and  to  cover  it  with- 
out with  red  gold." 

The  Atlakvipa  also  shows  its  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the 
hoard  :  "  The  Rhine  shall  ever  rule  over  the  heritage  of  the 
Niblungs,  sprung  from  the  gods."  2 

1  Ls.  39;  cf.  Gl.  26,  34,  51;  Sk.  50;  cf.  Haupt's  Zs.  16,  146  ff. 

2  Akv.  27  (J2S);  cf.  Sk.  39;  Vs.  14. 


80 

4399-4401-    Hagen. 

Ja,  er  vermehrt  sich  selbst,  es  1st  ein  Ring 
Dabei,  der  immer  neues  Gold  erzeugt, 
Wenn  man  —  Doch  nein !    Noch  nicht ! 

Skdldskaparmdl  39.  "  Der  Zwerg  bat,  ihm  den  Ring  nicht 
abzunehmen,  well  er  mit  dem  Ringe,  wenn  er  ihn  behielte,  sein 
Gold  wieder  vermehren  konne."  1 

4404  f.    Hagen. 

Es  mangelt  nur 

Der  Zauberstab,  der  Todte  wecken  kann ! 
Cf.  also  Ms.  Th.  3532,  Iring:  Bei  .  .  .  Odin's  Zauberstab. 

Odin's  power  to  wake  the  dead  in  order  to  demand  from  them 
knowledge  of  secret  things  is  attested  in  the  Eddie  song,  Baldrs- 
draumar,  where  Odin  rides  to  the  kingdom  of  Hel  to  discover 
why  evils  dreams  disturb  Baldr :  — 

Das  Wecklied  zu  singen, 
Begann  er  der  Weisen, 
Schiittelte  Stabe, 
Nach  Norden  schauend, 
Sprach  die  Beschworung 
Und  heischte  Bescheid 
Bis  gezwungen  sie  aufstand 
Unheil  verkiindend.2 

Thor  makes  it  a  reproach  to  Odin  that  he  has  learned  his 
scathing  insults  from  the  dead :  — 

Thor 

Woher  hast  du  nur 
Die  Hohnreden  all? 
Ich  horte  niemals 
So  hohnische. 

Harbald 
Ich  lernte  sie 
Von  den  alten  Leuten, 
Die  in  den  Waldern  wohnen. 

Thor 

Zu  guten  Nam  en 
Giebst  du  den  Grabern, 
Wenn  du  sie  Walder- 
Wohnungen  nennst.3 

1  Cf.  Vs.  14.  2  Bdr.  9  (J4).  «  Hrbl.  4i~43  (J  26). 


81 

4943-4945-    Hagen. 

Ihr  wisst,  ich  bin  em  Elfenkind  und  habe 
Davon  die  Todtenaugen,  die  so  schrecken, 
Doch  auch  das  doppelte  Gesicht. 

In  the  Nibelungenlied,  Hagen  is  represented  as  the  son  of 
Aldrian,  but  the  conception  of  him  as  the  son  of  an  elf  is  so 
widespread  that  it  is  not  certain  whence  Hebbel  drew  his  knowl- 
edge. Of  the  older  sources,  the  Thidrekssaga  embodies  this  idea 
by  making  Hagen  the  son  of  the  queen,  Aldrian's  wife,  and  an 
elf  who  overcame  her  while  she  was  dazed  with  wine.  Upon  his 
second  visit,  he  tells  her  of  his  act  and  bids  her  confide  to  her 
son  his  origin  and  tell  him  to  call  upon  his  father  whenever  he  is 
in  danger.  Hogni  is  described  as  being  strong  and  sturdy  and 
evil  to  deal  with,  in  countenance  like  a  ghost,  and  in  face  like 
unto  his  nature.1  Hebbel  describes  him  as  pale,  with  hollow, 
deathlike,  wolfish  eyes,  and  possessed  of  a  wisdom  which  sees 
pending  evil.2  The  Nibelungenlied  has  reminiscences  of  this 
early  conception  of  Hagen  in  his  frightful  appearance,  whcih 
terrifies  Gudrun.3 

3.      MINOR   SOURCES 
THE    BIBLE 

In  a  letter  to  Pastor  L.  W.  Luck,  in  Wolfskehlen,  January  21, 
1861,  Hebbel  writes,  "I  have  known  the  Bible  which  you  exhort 
me  to  read,  half  by  heart  from  my  youth."  *  An  early  passage 
in  his  journal  bears  testimony  to  the  vivid  impression  made  upon 
him  as  a  child  by  the  story  of  Christ's  passion.  "When  I  was 
a  boy  of  nine  or  ten  years,  I  read,  for  the  first  time,  in  an  old, 
dilapidated  New  Testament  (I  believe  that  the  dilapidated  con- 
dition of  the  book  had  something  to  do  with  the  impression)  the 
story  of  the  passion  of  Jesus  Christ.  I  was  most  deeply  moved, 
and  my  tears  flowed  freely.  After  that  it  was  one  of  my  stolen 

1  c.  169. 

*  2675,  3594,  3458;  cf.  Z.  /.  vgl.  Lit.  Neue  Folge  XII.  193  ff.;  Grimm, 
"Deutsche  Heldensage,"  180. 

1  XXVII.  1604,  XXVIII.  1672.  4  Nachl.  II.  136;  Tgb.  IV.  5847. 


82 

pleasures  to  repeat  this  reading  in  the  same  book,  at  the  same 
hour  (towards  twilight),  and  for  a  long  time  the  impression  re- 
mained similar  to  that  first  one.  But  one  time,  I  noticed,  to 
my  horror,  that  my  feelings  remained  comparatively  calm,  that 
my  eyes  did  not  fill  with  tears.  This  oppressed  me  like  the 
greatest  sin;  it  seemed  to  me  as  though  my  hard-heartedness 
were  little  less  than  the  offence  of  that  soldier  who  pierced  the 
Saviour's  side  with  his  spear,  so  that  water  and  blood  flowed. 
I  could  not  be  comforted,  I  wept,  but  I  wept  over  myself.  But 
now,  just  as  healthy  nature  always  knows  how  to  help  itself,  I 
ascribed  my  heart's  hardness  to  the  hour,  I  gave  myself  up  to 
the  hope  that  the  old  feelings  would,  at  another  hour,  recur  with 
their  old  force.  I  was,  however,  unconsciously  wise  enough  not 
to  put  another  of  my  hours  to  the  test;  I  read  the  story  no 
more."  l 

On  the  basis  of  these  assertions,  and  in  the  light  of  the  early 
influences  which  surrounded  the  poet,  it  is  quite  probable  that 
Hebbel's  use  of  the  Bible  as  a  source  is  often  not  conscious 
or  studied,  but  rather  a  natural  appropriation  of  Biblical  figure 
and  phraseology  where  the  scene  or  the  setting  renders  such 
language  appropriate.  Naturally,  too,  the  instances  in  the 
"Nibelungen"  where  we  can  trace  a  Biblical  analogy  occur 
principally  in  the  speeches  of  the  Kaplan. 

326.    Ute. 

Wir  sehen  oft  im  Traum  den  Finger  Gottes. 
2660.     Kaplan. 

Es  ist  der  Finger  Gottes. 

2.  Mos.  8.  19.  Da  sprachen  die  Zauberer  zu  Pharao:  Das  ist  Gottes 
Finger. 

5.  Mos.  9.  10.  Und  mir  der  Herr  die  zwo  steinernen  Tafeln  gab,  mit  dem 
Finger  Gottes  geschrieben. 

Dan.  5.  5.  Eben  zu  derselben  Stunde  gingen  hervor  Finger,  als  einer 
Menschenhand,  die  schrieben  gegen  dem  Leuchter  iiber,  auf 
die  getiinchte  Wand,  in  dem  koniglichen  Saal. 

1002  f.     Giselher. 

So  mag  man  sehen 
Wie  dieses  Kind  den  Lowen  fiihrt ! 

1  Tgb.  I.  983;  cf.  S.  T.  IV  viii.,  and  V.  ix. 


83 

Jes.  n.  6.          Ein  kleiner  Knabe  wird  Kalber  und  junge  Lowen  und 

Mastvieh  mit  einander  treiben. 
1395  f.     Kriemhild. 

Du  lobst  den  Herrn 

In  seiner  Magd ! 

Luc.  i.  38.         Maria  aber  sprach:  Siehe  ich  bin  des  Herrn  Magd. 
1552  f.    Brunhild  (to  Gunther). 

zeige  mir,  wie  herrlich  Du  erscheinst, 

Wenn  er  der  Schemel  Deiner  Fiisse  ist. 

Ps.  no.  i.         "Setze  dich  zu  meiner  Rechten,  bis  ich  deine  Feinde  zum 

Schemel  deiner  Fiisse  lege." 

Cf.  also  Matth.  22.  44;  Marc.  12.  36;  Luc.  20.  42  f.;  Apost.  2.  34  f.; 
Ebr.  10,  13. 

2090-2097.     Kaplan. 

Der  heil'ge  Stephanus 

Sah,  als  das  grimmentbrannte  Volk  der  Juden 
Ihn  steinigte,  des  Paradieses  Thore 
Schon  offen  steh'n  und  jubelte  und  sang. 
Sie  warfen  ihm  den  armen  Leib  zusammen, 
Ihm  aber  war's,  als  rissen  all'  die  Morder, 
Die  ihn  in  blinder  Wuth  zu  treffen  dachten, 
Nur  Locher  in  sein  abgeworf  nes  Kleid. 

Apost.  7.  55-59. 

55.  Als  er  aber  voll  heiligen  Geistes  war,  sahe  er  auf  gen 
Himmel,  und  sahe  die  Herrlichkeit  Gottes,  und  Jesum  stehen 
zur  Rechten  Gottes,  und  sprach :  Siehe,  ich  sehe  den  Himmel 
offen,  und  des  Menschen  Sohn  zur  Rechten  Gottes  stehen. 

56.  Sie  schrieen  aber  laut,  und  hielten  ihre  Ohren  zu,  und 
stiirmeten  einmiithiglich  zu  ihm  ein,  stiessen  ihm  zur  Stadt 
hinaus,  und  steinigten  ihn. 

57.  Und  die  Zeugen  legten  ab  ihre  Kleider  zu  den  Fiissen  eines 
Jiinglings,  der  hiess  Saulus. 

58.  Und  steinigten  Stephanum,  der  anrief  und  sprach:    Herr 
Jesu,  nimm  meinen  Geist  auf ! 

59.  Er  knieete  aber  nieder,  und  schrie  laut:    Herr,  behalte 
ihnen  diese  Siinde  nicht !    Und  als  er  das  gesagt,  entschlief  er. 

2107-2109.     Kaplan. 

Auf  uns'res  Heilands  ersten  Wink  das  Schiff 
Verliess,  und  festen  Schritts  die  See  betrat, 
Die  ihn  bedrohte  mit  dem  sich'ren  Tod. 

Matt.  14.  28,  29  (30,  31). 

28.   Petrus  aber  antwortete  ihm,  und  sprach:   Herr,  bist  Du 
es,  so  heiss  mich  zu  dir  kommen  auf  dem  Wasser! 


84 

29-   Und  er  sprach :    Komm  her !    Und  Petrus  trat  aus  dem 

Schiff,  und  ging  auf  dem  Wasser,  dass  er  zu  Jesu  kame. 
2122  f.    Kaplan. 

Herr,  das  Reich  ist  Dein ! 
Ute. 

In  Ewigkeit ! 

Chron.  30.  n.       David.    Dein  ist  das  Reich. 
Matth.  6.  13.     dein  ist  das  Reich  ...  in  Ewigkeit. 
2135  f.     Kaplan  (speaking  of  the  first  messenger  of  God  in  his  country). 
Er  ward  verhohnt,  verspottet  und  zuletzt 
Getodtet. 
Matth.  20.  19.    Christ  (of  himself). 

Und  werden  ihn  uberantworten  den  Heiden  zu  verspotten 
und  zu  geisseln  und  zu  kreuzigen. 
Cf.  also  Marc.  10.  34;  Luc.  18.  32. 
2140-2142.     Kaplan. 

Da  hort  ich  sein  Gebet. 
Er  betete  fur  mich,  und  mit  dem  Amen 
Verhaucht'  er  seinen  Geist. 

This  calls  to  mind  the  accounts  of  Christ's  death  given  in  the 
Gospels. 

Luc.  23.  34.         Jesus  aber  sprach:  Vater,  vergib  ihnen,  denn  Sie  wissen 

nicht,  was  sie  thun. 
Cf.  also  2704.     Kaplan. 

Gedenke  dessen,  der  am  Kreuz  vergab. 
2145.    Kaplan. 

Und  zog  hinaus  und  predigte  das  Kreuz. 
i.  Cor.  i.  23.      Wir  aber  predigen  den  gekreuzigten  Christum,  den  Juden 

ein  Argerniss  und  den  Griechen  eine  Thorheit. 
2192  f.    Siegfried  (of  the  Danes  and  Saxons). 
Nun,  die  saen  nicht 

Und  wollen  dennoch  ernten. 
Luc.  19.  21  (in  the  parable  of  the  talents). 

du  .  .  .  erntest,  das  du  nicht  gesaet  hast. 
Cf.  also  Matth.  25.  24. 
2613-2615.     Kaplan. 

Du  suchst  die  Rache,  doch  die  Rache  hat 

Der  Herr  sich  vorbehalten,  er  allein 

Schaut  in's  Verborg'ne,  er  allein  vergilt! 
5.  Mos.  32.  35.  Die  Rache  ist  mein,  ich  will  vergelten. 
Rom.  12.  19.      "Die  Rache  ist  mein,  Ich  will  vergelten,  spricht  der  Herr." 
Ps.  94.  i.  Herr  Gott,  dess  die  Rache  ist,  Gott,  dess  die  Rache  ist, 

erscheine ! 


85 

Matth.  6.  6.        dein  Vater,  der  in  das  Verborgene  siehet,  wird  dir*s  rer- 

gelten  offentlich. 

Cf.  also  Jes.  34.  8;  35.  4;  Jerem.  51.  6,  56. 
2621-2623.     Kaplan. 

Ist's  nicht  genug,  dass  ihn  sein  Richter  kennt? 
Kriemhild. 

Ich  mogte  dem  Unschuldigen  nicht  fluchen. 
Kaplan. 

So  fluche  Keinem,  und  Du  thust  es  nicht ! 

References  to  God  as  judge  occur  frequently. 

Ps.  58.  12.         Der  Gerechte  wird  seiner  ja  geniessen;  Es  ist  ja  noch  Gott 

Richter  auf  Erden. 

Rom.  12.  14.     Segnet,  die  euch  verfolgen;   segnet  und  fluchet  nicht. 
2624  f.     Kaplan. 

Du  armes  Menschenkind,  aus  Staub  und  Asche 

Geschaffen  und  vom  nachsten  Wind  zerblasen. 
i.  Mos.  18.  27.    Abraham  antwortete  und  sprach:    Ach  siehe,  ich  habe 

mich  unterwunden  zu  reden  mit  dem  Herrn,  wiewohl  ich 

Erde  und  Asche  bin. 
Hiob.  30.  19.     Man  hat  mich  in  Dreck  getreten,  und  gleich  geachtet  dem 

Staub  und  Asche. 
34.  15.     Alles  Fleisch  wiirde  mit  einander  vergehen,  und  der  Mensch 

wiirde  wieder  zu  Asche  werden. 
Pred.  3.  20.       Es  fahret  Alles  an  Einen  Ort;    es  ist  Alles  von  Staub 

gemacht,  und  wird  wieder  zu  Staub. 
Cf.  also  i.  Mos.  2.  7,  3.  19;  Pred.  12.  7. 

Menschenkind   as  an  appellation    for  man  is   a  frequent 
Biblical  term. 

2  Chron.  6.  30;  Hiob.  25.  6;  Ps.  n.  4.,  etc. 

Hiob.  7.  7.     Gedenke,  dass  mein  Leben  ein  Wind  ist. 

Cf.  Ps.  78.  39. 

2626.     Kaplan. 

Wohl  tragst  Du  schwer  und  magst  zum  Himmel  schrei'n. 

References  to  crying  out  to  God  are  found. 

Hab.  i.  2;  Jer.  u.  14;  Ps.  30.  3;  2.  Sam.  22.  7.,  etc. 

2627-2630.     Kaplan. 

Doch  schau'  auf  Den,  der  noch  viel  schwerer  trug! 
In  Knechts-Gestalt  zu  uns  herabgestiegen, 
Hat  er  die  Schuld  der  Welt  auf  sich  genommen, 
Und  biissend  alle  Schmerzen  durchempfunden. 


86 

Jes.  53.  4.          Furwahr,  Er  trug  unsere  Krankheit,  und  lud  auf  sich  unsere 

Schmerzen. 
Cf.  Matth.  8.  17. 
Job.  i.  29.          Siehe,  das  ist  Gottes  Lamm,  welches  der  Welt   Siinde 

tragt.      . 
i.  Pet.  2.  24.      Welcher  unsere  Sun  den  selbst  geopfert  hat  an  seinem 

Leibe  auf  dem  Holz. 
Phil.  2.  7.  Sondern  ausserte  sich  selbst,  und  nahm  Knechtsgestalt  an, 

ward  gleich  wie  ein  anderer  Mensch  und  an  Geberden  als  ein 

Mensch  erf un den. 
Cf.  Jes.  42.  i. 
2634.     Kaplan. 

Die  Kraft  des  Himmels  sass  auf  seinen  Lippen. 

Die  Krajt  Gottes  is  mentioned  Rom.  i.  16;  Cor.  i.  18,  etc. 

2636  f.    Kaplan. 

Er  aber  war  gehorsam  bis  zum  Tode, 

Er  war  gehorsam  bis  zum  Tod  am  Kreuz. 
5456.     Dietrich. 

Im  Namen  dessen,  der  am  Kreuz  erblich ! 

Cf.  Tgb.  IV.  5540.  Wien,  den  i.  Januar  1857.  Schellings  Vorlesung 
iiber  das  Wort :  Er  war  gehorsam  bis  zum  Tode  am  Kreuz.  Der  Philosoph 
deducirte,  dass  Christus  auch  vom  Vater  hatte  abfallen  konnen  und  verlegte 
damit  den  Teufel  unmittelbar  in  Gott  hinein.  Seine  Eroffnungsrede : 
"Ich  hoffe,  dass  kein  Schurk  unter  uns  ist." 
Cf.  "Genoveva,"  III.  v.  1197  f. 

Die  Seele  kreuziget  sich  selbst, 

Wenn  sie  der  Kreuzigung  des  Herrn  gedenkt. 
Phil.  2.  8.  Er  niedrigte  sich  selbst,  und  ward  gehorsam  bis  zum  Tode, 

ja  zum  Tode  am  Kreuz. 
Cf.  also  Ebr.  12.  2. 
2662.     Kaplan. 

ein  Kainszeichen. 
Cf.  i.  Mos.  4. 15.     Und  der  Heir  machte  ein  Zeichen  an  Kain,  dass  ihn 

Niemand  erschliige,  wer  ihn  fande. 
Ms.  M.  2704.     Kaplan. 

Gedenk'  der  ewigen  Barmherzigkeit ! 
Klagl.  3.  22.     seine  Barmherzigkeit  hat  noch  kein  Ende. 
2835  f.     Gunther. 

doch  heute  hast 

Du  selbst  das  Licht  ja  auf  den  Tisch  gestellt. 

This  is  possibly  an  obscure  reference  to  Matth.  5.  15. 

Man  ziindet  auch  nicht  ein  Licht  an,  und  setzt  es  unter 


87 

einen  Scheffel;   sondern  auf  einen  Leuchter,  so  leuchtet  es 

denen  alien,  die  im  Hause  sind. 
Marc.  4.  21.       Ziindet  man  auch  ein  Licht  an,  dass  man  es  unter  einen 

Scheffel  oder  unter  einen  Tisch  setzte  ?     Mil  nichten,  sondern 

dass  man  es  auf  einen  Leuchter  setzte. 
2990-2992.     Kriemhild. 

Auch  kann  sie  mit  der  Zunge,  die  sie  braucht, 

Um  ihren  Feind  zu  todten,  ihm  nicht  schworen, 

Dass  sie  ihn  kiissen  will. 
4490.    Hagen. 

Dann  kiisse  Deinen  Feind,  wenn  Du's  vermagst. 

4551-4553-    Etzel. 

Ich  horte  ja  von  Dir, 

Dass  Eure  Weise  sei,  den  Feind  zu  lieben 

Und  mit  dem  Kuss  zu  danken  fur  den  Schlag. 
Matth.  5.  39.     Ich  aber  sage  Euch,  dass  ihr  nicht  widerstreben  sollt  dem 

Uebel ;   sondern  so  dir  Jemand  einen  Streich  gibt  auf  deinen 

rechten  Backen,  dem  biete  den  andern  auch  dar. 
5.  44.     Ich  aber  sage  Euch:  Liebet  cure  Feinde,  segnet,  die  Euch 

fluchen,  thut  wohl  denen,  die  Euch  hassen,  bittet  fiir  die,  so 

euch  beleidigen  und  verfolgen. 
Cf.  also  Luc.  6.  27  f.  and  35. 
Luc.  6.  29.         Und  wer  dich  schlagt  auf  einen  Backen,  den  biete  dem 

Andern  auch  da. 
3166.     Kriemhild. 

Blut  der  Unschuld. 

The  Bible  has  various  references  to  Unschuldig  Blut.  Cf. 
5.  Mos.  19.  13,  21.  8,  9,  27.  25;  i.  Sam.  19.  5;  Ps.  94.  21; 
Matth.  27.  4. 

3753.    Riideger,  referring  to  his  courtship,  says:  — 
Ich  harrte  sieben  Jahr. 

This  may  be  an  obscure  reference  to  Jacob's  wooing  of 
Rachel.  Cf.  i.  Mos.  29.  18-28. 

i.  Mos.  29.  20.  Also  dienete  Jakob  um  Rahel  sieben  Jahre. 

Cf.  "Maria  Magdalena,"  I.  v.    Leonhard. 

Jacob  liebte  die  Rahel  und  warb  sieben  Jahre  um  sie. 
"Herodes  und  Mariamne,"  II.  vi.    Salome. 

Dein  armes  Weib 

Um  das  Du  warbst,  wie  Jacob  warb  um  Rahel. 
3898  f.    Etzel. 

Wenn  Du  mein  halbes  Reich  verschwenden  willst, 

So  steht's  Dir  frei. 


88 

Marc.  6.  23.      Und  schwur  ihr  einen  Eid:  was  du  wirst  von  mir  bitten, 
will  ich  dir  geben,  bis  an  die  Ha'lfte  meines  Konigreichs. 

3965-3967-    Etzel. 

Kriecht  doch  Mancher 
Von  Euch  in  Hohlen  und  verhungert  da, 
Wenn  ihm  kein  Rabe  Speise  bringt. 

This  is  a  reference  to  the  account  of  Elijah  given  in  i.  Kings 
17.     Verse  6  contains  the  words:  — 

Und  die  Raben  brachten  ihm  Brod  und  Fleisch  des  Morgans  und  des 
Abends. 
5412.    Hildebrand. 

Dem  Herrn  sei  Preis  und  Dank ! 
Ps.  118.  28.        Du  bist  mein  Gott,  und  ich  danke  dir;  mein  Gott,  ich  will 

dich  preisen. 


HISTORY    AND     FOLK-LORE 

It  is  chiefly  in  connection  with  Etzel  and  his  Huns  that  Heb- 
bel  makes  the  appeal  to  historical  sources  which  he  mentions 
in  his  Foreword.  In  the  case  of  folk-lore  it  is  sometimes  diffi- 
cult to  tell  just  where  his  source  ceases  and  his  invention  be- 
gins, for  Hebbel  frequently  lets  his  ready  fancy  lead  him  into 
somewhat  bizarre  inventions,  to  supplement  or  enlarge  upon 
the  mystical  element  offered  by  his  subject.1  In  giving  to 
Etzel  and  his  people  a  deeper  significance  than  they  are  ac- 
corded in  the  epic,  Hebbel  materially  expands  his  accounts 
of  them  from  historical  and  popular  sources. 

3279-3286.      Kriemhild. 

Herr  Etzel  ist  auch  in  Burgund  bekannt, 

Wer  seinen  Namen  hort,  der  denkt  zuerst 

An  Blut  und  Feuer,  dann  an  einen  Menschen !  — 

Ja  wohl,  Du  hast  mein  Wort!  —  Man  sagt:   die  Krone 

Muss  ihm  urn's  Angesicht  zusammen  schmelzen, 

Der  gluh'nde  Degen  aus  den  Ha'nden  tropfeln, 

1  The  very  few  minor  historical  incidents  which  Hebbel  employed  are  the 
ones  which  Professor  Werner  mentions  in  his  notes,  and  which  Hebbel  set  down 
in  his  journal.  Cf.  1877-1879,  Tgb.  IV.  5485;  4000  f.,  Tgb.  IV.  5516;  4880- 
4889,  4894-4900,  Tgb.  IV.  5438.  The  only  one  of  any  importance  is  the  inci- 
dent in  Siegfried's  burial  which  is  fashioned  after  Dr.  Frankl's  narrative  of  the 
burial  of  the  old  Austrian  emperors.  Cf.  2602-2607,  Tgb.  IV.  5367. 


89 


Eh'  er  im  StUrmen  inne  halt.    Das  1st 

Der  Mann  dafiir,  dem  wird  es  Wollust  sein ! 

3556-3559-     Riideger. 

denn  er  ist 

Uns  gleich  an  Adel,  doch  wir  batten's  leicht, 
Wir  erbten's  mit  dem  Blut  von  unsern  Miittern, 
Er  aber  nahm  es  aus  der  eig'nen  Brust ! 

4727-4758.     Kriemhild. 

Man  halt  Dich  fur  den  Brecher  und  Verachter 
Von  Brauch  und  Sitte,  fiir  den  Hitter  nicht, 
Uns  wundert  sich  noch  immer,  wenn  ein  Bote 
Von  Dir  erscheint,  dass  er  mit  Dir  gesprochen 
Und  doch  nicht  Arm  und  Bein  verloren  hat. 
Etzel. 

Man  sieht  mich,  wie  ich  war,  nicht  wie  ich  bin ! 
Ich  ritt  einmal  das  Ross,  von  dem  Dir  Nachts 
In  dem  gekriimmten,  funkelnden  Kometen 
Am  Himmel  jetzt  der  Schweif  entgegen  blitzt. 
Im  Sturme  trug  es  mich  dahin,  ich  blies 
Die  Throne  um,  zerschlug  die  Konigreiche 
Und  nahm  die  Konige  an  Stricken  mit. 
So  kam  ich,  Alles  vor  mir  niederwerfend, 
Und  mit  der  Asche  einer  Welt  bedeckt, 
Nach  Rom,  wo  Euer  Hoherpriester  thront. 
Den  hatt'  ich  bis  zuletzt  mir  aufgespart, 
Ich  wollt  ihn  sammt  der  Schaar  von  Konigen 
In  seinem  eig'nen  Tempel  niederhauen, 
Und  durch  dies  Zorngericht,  an  alien  Hauptern 
Der  Volker  durch  dieselbe  Hand  vollstreckt, 
Zu  zeigen,  das  ich  Herr  der  Herren  sei, 
Und  mit  dem  Blute  mir  die  Stirn  zu  salben, 
Wozu  ein  Jeder  seinen  Tropfen  gab. 
Kriemhild. 

So  hab'  ich  mir  den  Etzel  stets  gedacht, 
Sonst  hatt'  Herr  Riideger  mich  nicht  geworben : 
Was  hat  ihn  denn  verwandelt? 
Etzel. 

Ein  Gesicht 

Furchtbarer  Art,  das  mich  von  Rom  vertrieb. 
Ich  darf  es  Keinem  sagen,  doch  es  hat 
Mich  so  getroffen,  dass  ich  um  den  Segen 
Des  Greises  flehte,  welchem  ich  den  Tod 
Geschworen  hatte,  und  mich  gliicklich  pries, 
Den  Fuss  zu  kiissen,  der  den  Heil'gen  trug. 

4968-4972,  cf.  page  124. 


90 

History  combines  with  tradition  to  make  Attila  one  of  the 
most  feared  and  powerful  figures  of  the  early  Christian  era 
(b.  ca.  406,  d.  453).  In  451  he  crushingly  defeated  the  Bur- 
gundians;  in  452  he  devastated  northern  Italy  and  was  push- 
ing toward  Rome  when  Leo  I.,  at  the  head  of  an  embassy, 
arrested  his  march.  One  story  tells  that  Peter  and  Paul  ap- 
peared before  Leo;  another,  that  Peter  stood  at  Leo's  side 
with  a  threatening  sword. 

Tgb.  IV.  5884.  Wien,  i.  Marz,  1861 :  (Aus  August  Ludwig  von  Schlozers 
Leben,  von  s.  Sohn:)  Schlozer  bezeichnet  Attila  irgendwo  als  Ungeheuer, 
wilder  Kalmyk.  Sein  Gottinger  College  Gatterer  nimmt  davon  Gelegen- 
heit,  diesen  Hunnen  in  einem  seiner  Handbiicher  als  das  Muster  eines 
weisen,  tapfern  und  edelen  Regenten  anzupreisen  (p.  209). 
4390-4395.  Hagen  (zu  den  Heunen). 

Kriecht  auf  dem  Bauch 

Heran  und  klammert  Euch  an  uns're  Beine, 

Wie  Ihr's  in  Euren  Schlachten  machen  sollt. 

Wenn  wir  in's  Stolpern  und  in's  Straucheln  kommen 

Und  durch  den  Purzelbaum  zu  Grunde  geh'n, 

Um  Hiilfe  schrei'n  wir  nicht,  das  schwor'  ich  Euch. 
4671.    Volker. 

Man  sagt  bei  uns,  der  Heune  wascht  sich  nicht. 
4868-4875.     Hagen. 

Ich  horte  oft, 

Der  Heune  haue  vom  lebend'gen  Ochsen 

Sich  eine  Keule  ab  und  reite  sich 

Sie  miirbe  unter'm  Sattel. 
Etzel. 

Das  geschieht, 

Wenn  er  zu  Pferde  sitzt,  und  wenn's  an  Zeit 

Gebricht,  ein  lust'ges  Feuer  anzumachen. 

Im  Frieden  sorgt  auch  er  fur  seinen  Gaumen 

Und  nicht  bloss  fur  den  undankbaren  Bauch. 

Hebbel  enlarges  upon  the  historical  accounts  of  the  Huns, 
and  the  popular  superstitions  concerning  them.  The  Roman 
historian,  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  Book  XXXI.,  tells  of  them 
that  they  live  on  roots  of  herbs,  or  on  the  half -raw  flesh  of  any 
animal,  which  they  merely  warm  rapidly  by  placing  it  between 
their  own  thighs  and  the  backs  of  their  horses ; *  that  they  never 

1  Ut  neque  igni  neque  saporatis  indigeant  cibis  sed  radicibus  herbarum 
agrestium  et  semicruda  cuiusvis  pecoris  carne  vescantur,  quam  inter  femora 
sua  equorum  terga  subsertam  fotu  calefaciunt  brevi. 


91 

shelter  themselves  under  roofed  houses;  and  that  they  wear 
linen  clothes  or  garments  made  from  field-mice  which  they 
wear  until  they  fall  off  of  them;  that  they  fight  with  javelins 
tipped  with  sharpened  bones,  but  at  close  range  with  a  sword; 
that  often  while  their  antagonists  are  warding  off  their  blows 
they  entangle  them  with  twisted  cords  so  that,  with  their  hands 
thus  fettered,  they  lose  all  power  of  riding  or  walking.  In 
person,  they  are  ugly,  with  round  shoulders  and  scarred,  beard- 
less faces.  They  have  no  religion  and  lack  all  sense  of  moral 
obligation. 

What  Hebbel  added  from  popular  superstition  is  gathered 
from  various  sources  and  indeed  is  probably  a  reminiscence 
of  the  beliefs  and  stories  imbibed  in  childhood.  The  use  of 
folk-lore  as  a  source  has  been  partially  indicated  under  the 
consideration  of  Norse  borrowings,  where  it  was  shown  that 
Hebbel  in  certain  cases  fashioned  over  or  added  to  Norse 
mythology. 

143  f- 

das  tiickische  Geschlecht  der  Zwerge, 
Der  rasch  umklammernd  quetschend  Wiirgenden. 

This  is  doubtless  a  reference  to  the  Alp  as  causing  night- 
mare, Alpdruck.  These  beings  are  variously  represented, 
and  especially  torment  people  who  are  asleep  on  their  backs, 
by  casting  themselves  upon  their  bodies  in  such  a  way  as  to 
press  chest  and  throat  together,  to  that  the  victims  can  neither 
breathe  nor  cry  out.1 

625  f.,  cf.  page  63.  In  making  the  birds  which  circle  about 
Siegfried  crows,  daws,  and  owls,  Hebbel  doubtless  had  in  mind 
the  popular  superstitions  which  attach  evil  significance  to  these 
birds,  especially  in  regions  where  the  raven  is  not  common. 
The  hoot  of  the  owl  prophesies  approaching  death.2 

689-691.     Brunhild. 

Manches  hast  Du  schon  im  Schlaf 
Verrathen,  denn  Du  sprichst,  wenn  Dir  der  Mond 
In's  Antlitz  scheint. 

This  is  probably  an  enlargement  upon  the  popular  belief 

1  Meyer,  343;  Wuttke,  272  ff.  J  Wuttke,  123,  201  f. 


92 

that  somnambulists  walk  at  the  time  of  the  full  moon.     Cf. 
h  in  Ms.  Th.  2823-2825,  written  on  the  margin:  — 

Gunther  (referring  to  Brunhild  since  Siegfried's  death). 

Wie  Eine,  die  der  Mond  vom  Schlafen  weckt 
Und  auf  die  Dacher  schickt. 
896-899.     Brunhild. 

Der  Erdball  wurde  zum  Kristall  fur  mich, 
Und  was  Gewolk  mir  schien,  war  das  Geflecht 
Der  Gold-  und  Silberadern,  die  ihn  leuchtend 
Durchkreuzen  bis  zum  Grund. 

Tgb.  I.  370.  Somnambiilen  haben  Sinn  fur  den  Geist  der  Steine  und 
Metalle  .  .  .  (nach  den  Alten). 

Tgb.  IV.  p.  430,  Werner  quotes  from  "  Die  Seherin  von  Prevost " 
from  which  Hebbel  drew  this  material,"  Del  Rio  erzahlt,  dass  es  in  Spanien 
Menschen  gebe,  die  man  Zahuris  nennt,  welche  unter  der  Erde  verborgene 
Dinge,  Wasser  Erzadern  und  Leichname  sehen."  l 

923-929.     Brunhild. 

Es  rollen 

Jahrhunderte  dahin,  Jahrtausende, 
Ich  spiir'  es  nicht !    Doch  endlich  frag'  ich  mich : 
Wo  bleibt  der  Tod  ?    Da  geben  meine  Locken 
Mir  Antwort  durch  den  Spiegel,  sie  sind  schwarz 
Und  ungebleicht  geblieben,  und  ich  rufe: 
Diess  ist  das  Dritte,  dass  der  Tod  nicht  kommt ! 

Bw.  II.  14  f.  to  Franz  von  Dingelstedt,  Sept.  2,  1857,  speaking  of  his 
"  Genoveva  " :  "  was  nun  die  Margaretha  anlangt,  so  habe  ich  auch  sie, 
so  gut  es  ging,  auf's  menschliche  zuriick  gefiihrt  ...  sie  ...  kann 
.  .  .  sehr  gut  von  einer  jiingeren  Schauspielerin  gespielt  werden,  da  sie 
eine  Art  von  Damon  ist  und  alles  Damonische,  wie  das  Feuer,  verjiingt." 

A  striking  characteristic  of  tales  which  are  the  outgrowth 
of  folk-lore  is  the  unheeded  and  unnoticed  passing  of  lone; 
lapses  of  time. 

1264-1270.    Wulf. 

Unholde,  diese  Zwerge !    Hohl  im  Rttcken ! 
Kehr*  einen  urn,  so  liegt  ein  Backtrog  da. 

1  Cf.  also  W.  X.  205. 


93 

Truchs. 

Sie  hausen  auch  ja  mit  dem  Wurmgeschlecht 
Im  Bauch  der  Erde  und  in  Bergeshohlen, 
Und  sind  des  Maulwurfs  Vettern. 

Wulf. 

Aber  Stark ! 

Truchs. 

Und  klug !    Der  braucht  nach  der  Alraunenwurzel 
Nicht  mehr  zu  spah'n,  der  die  zu  Freunden  hat. 

This  is  probably  an  invented  enlargement  upon  the  mythol- 
ogy connected  with  dwarfs  and  the  popular  beliefs  concerning 
them.  They  are  ugly  and  hunchbacked;  their  smithy  is  in 
holes  and  mountains,  and  their  home  is  in  caverns  and  moun- 
tain caves ;  they  have  knowledge  of  the  hidden  means  of  healing 
in  stones  and  plants,  and  the  power  of  prophecy  is  sometimes 
ascribed  to  them.  In  the  Alvissmgl,  Alviss  tells  of  his  own 
learning :  — 

Alle  neun  Himmel 

Hab  ich  durchmessen 

Und  weiss  von  alien  Wesen.1 

Alraunenwurzel  is  a  very  old  name  for  a  root  to  which  magic 
powers  were  ascribed.  The  name  is  doubtless  connected  with 
Old  High  German  runa,  and  was  perhaps  once  an  appella- 
tion for  mythical  beings.  It  grows  only  under  the  gallows  of 
an  innocent  man,  and  must  be  taken  from  the  ground  in  a 
particular  manner.  If  properly  cared  for,  the  root  brings  money 
and  good  fortune,  answers  questions,  and  by  its  changing  color 
prophesies  coming  events.  Its  possessor  will  have  no  enemies, 
cannot  be  poor,  and  will  be  blessed  with  children.2 

"  Agnes  Bernauer  "  I.  xii.  Caspar.  "  Wie  gern  war'  ich  als  Geselle 
in  die  weite  Welt  gegangen,  ob  ich  das  Einhornthier,  den  Vogel  Phonix, 
die  Menschen,  die  auf  Baumen  wachsen,  irgendwo  zu  sehen  bekame,  oder 
gar  in  der  Tiirkei,  wo  sie  doch  gewiss  Viele  unschuldig  hangen,  ein 
Alraunchen  erwischte."  3 

2238  f.    Hagen. 

Warte  doch  auf  Deinen  Flachs ! 
Du  sollst  im  Mondschein  mit  den  Druden  spinnen. 

1  Alv.  9;  cf.  Grimm  416  ff. 

2  Grimm  1153  ff.;  Simrock,  "Deutsche  Mythologie,"  460.       s  W.  III.  148. 


94 

Drude  is  doubtless  used  here  in  the  sense  of  a  witch  or  sor- 
ceress. Her  vocation  of  spinning  is  seen  in  "  Domroschen." 

2  733  f-    Gunther. 

Und  die  Johannis-Feuer  vor  der  Zeit 

Auf  alien  Bergen  weit  und  breit  entziinden. 

3047.    Gerenot. 

Man  spart  ja  schon  auf  das  Johannis-Feuer. 

These  lines  are  embellishments  which  Hebbel  added  to  his 
various  references  to  the  Sonnenwende.  The  frequent  allu- 
sions to  the  Sonnenwendejeste  in  the  Nibelungenlied  show  the 
heathen  origin  of  the  poem,  for  the  summer  and  winter  festi- 
vals of  the  solstice  were  the  principal  festivals  of  Germanic 
heathendom.  From  these  celebrations,  Christianity  took 
Christmas  (December  25),  and  Johanni  (June  24),  and  cele- 
brated them  with  other  or  the  same  forms.  Thus,  in  southern 
Germany  and  the  Tyrol,  the  original  sacrificial  fires  in  celebra- 
tion of  the  summer  solstice  are  retained  as  a  part  of  the  festivi- 
ties, and  are  called  Johannisjeuer.1 

3044-3046.     Kriemhild. 

Was  ist  denn  fur  ein  Tag, 
Dass  alle  meine  Sippen  sich  so  sammeln? 
Treibt  Ihr  den  Tod  aus? 

Cf.  Tgb.  I.  921,  Miinchen,  22.  October,  1837:  Die  alten  Stadte  treiben 
im  Mai  den  Tod  (d.  h.  das  Bild  des  Todes)  aus  der  Stadt.  (Jean 
Paul,  Vorsch.  d.  Aesth.  3  Thl.) 

In  eastern  Germany,  the  driving  out  of  death  is  accom- 
plished by  burning  or  casting  into  the  water  a  dummy.  This 
custom  is  similar  to  the  old  Germanic  festivities  connected 
with  the  driving  out  of  winter.2 

3249-3253.     Kriemhild. 

Wie,  Riideger,  Du  wirbst  um  eine  Wittwe 
Und  suchst  sie  in  der  Mordergrube  auf? 
Rudeger. 

Was  sagst  Du,  Konigin? 

1  Grimm,  582  ff.,  683;  Simrock,  "Deutsche  Mythologie,"  588;  cf.Tgb.  III. 
4948. 

2  For  a  description  of  the  ceremonies,  cf.  Grimm,  722  ff.;  Simrock,  "  Deutsche 
Mythologie,"  32 ;  Wuttke,  36. 


95 

Kriemhild. 

Die  Schwalben  fliehen 

Von  dannen,  und  die  frommen  Storche  kehrea 
In's  hundertjahr'ge  Nest  nicht  mehr  zuriick. 

Hebbel  here  embellishes  the  popular  superstitions  regarding 
swallows  and  storks.  Swallows  are  everywhere  sacred  birds 
and  mean  good  fortune.  The  belief  is  widespread  that  the 
house  in  which  they  nest  is  blessed  and  protected  from  dis- 
aster, and  in  the  Valley  of  the  Upper  Inn  the  legend  is  current 
that  where  swallows  build  their  nests  there  is  no  discontent. 
The  stork  is  also  a  sacred  bird  which  must  not  be  harmed; 
if  well  treated,  it  returns  year  after  year  to  the  same  nest.  As 
it  was  earlier  a  worshipped  bird,  it  has  become  here  and  there, 
in  childish  belief,  a  worshipping  bird,  and  the  stretching  of 
its  long  neck  is  regarded  as  an  attitude  of  prayer;  hence 
the  appellation,  jromner  Storch.  Both  birds  have  prophetic 
qualities.1 

3405-3409.    Volker. 

So  haben  sie  vom  Schicksal  Witterung, 
Nur  reden  sie  nicht  gern,  denn  jedes  Wort 
Bezahlen  sie  mit  einem  Lebensjahr, 
Und  uralt  werden  sie,  wie  Sonn'  und  Mond 
Am  Himmel,  doch  unsterblich  sind  sie  nicht. 

3416-3420.    Hagen. 

Die  Weiber  abermals  doch  nun 
In  scheusslicher  Gestalt.     Sie  schnitten  mir 
Gesichter,  und  in  seltsam-schnalz'gem  Ton, 
Als  sprache,  statt  des  Vogels,  jetzt  der  Fisch, 
In  dem  ihr  schlanker  Leib  sich  end'gen  soil. 

Meerweiber  are  mentioned  in  the  Nibelungenlied  and  in  the 
Thidrekssaga,  where  Hagen  kills  them.  Wittich's  ancestress, 
Wachild,  is  a  mermaid,  and  to  her  in  every  case  is  ascribed 
longer  life  than  that  of  ordinary  people,  if  she  is  not  entirely 
immortal.  To  mermaids  is  regularly  attributed  the  gift  of 
prophecy.  The  conception  in  the  Nibelungenlied  and  with 
Hebbel  is  that  of  swan-maidens,  although  Hebbel  inclines  to 
the  popular  idea  of  the  mermaid  in  making  them  seem  like 
fish  when  they  give  their  evil  prophecies.  The  idea  of  making 

1  Busch,  195  ff.;  Wuttke,  119  ff. 


96 

them  pay  for  each  word  with  a  year  of  life  is  undoubtedly 
an  invention.1 

3471.    Hagen. 

Wer  mich  hinunter  stosst,  den  reiss'  ich  nach. 
4426-4429.     Gleich  auf  das  erste  Meisterstiick  des  Hirsches, 

Dem  Jager  zu  entrinnen,  folgt  das  zweite, 

Ihn  in's  Verderben  mit  hinab  zu  zieh'n, 

Und  eins  von  Beidem  gliickt  uns  sicherlich ! 
5284-5288.     Rudeger. 

So  denkt  des  Hirsches,  der  in  hochster  Noth 

Sich  auch  noch  gegen  seinen  Jager  wendet, 

Und  ihm  die  einz'ge  blut'ge  Thrane  zeigt, 

Die  er  auf  dieser  Erde  weinen  darf, 

Ob  er  vielleicht  Erbarmen  in  ihm  weckt. 
Cf.  Wilhelm  Tell.  I.  iv.    Melchthal. 

Jedem  Wesen  ward 

Ein  Nothgewehr  in  der  Verzweiflungsangst. 

Es  stellt  sich  der  erschopfte  Hirsch  und  zeigt 

Der  Meute  sein  gefiirchtetes  Geweih, 

Die  Gemse  reisst  den  Jager  in  den  Abgrund. 

Popular  superstition  attributes  to  the  stag  the  power  of 
showing  a  tear  to  the  hunter,  as  a  last  plea  for  mercy.2 

4319.    Volker. 

Und  suchen  Wiinschelruthen. 

Wishing-rods  are  a  relic  of  the  oldest  heathendom.  They 
were  usually  cut  in  a  peculiar  manner  from  a  hazel  bush,  and 
when  the  forked  end  was  held  in  both  hands,  the  rod  showed, 
by  a  quick  lowering  of  its  other  end,  the  place  where  treasures, 
precious  metals,  veins  of  ore,  or  spring- water  were  to  be  found. 
Hebbel  calls  woman  the  wishing-rod  that  shows  to  man  the 
treasure  of  the  earth ; 3  and  faith  the  union  of  the  wishing-rod 
which  points  out,  and  the  magnet  which  attracts.4  In  his 
journal  for  November  27th,  1838,  Hebbel  writes,  "Whoever 
lacks  the  wishing-rod  can  very  undisturbedly  dream  of  treas- 

1  Cf.  Grimm,  "  Deutsche  Heldensage,"  387  f. ;  Simrock,  "  Deutsche  Mytho- 
logie,"  212. 

1  Cf.  Washington  Irving's  "  Tour  on  the  Prairies,"  and  the  poem  of  H. 
Tollens,  "  De  Noord-Amerikaansche  Jager  " :  Hy  zag  een  traan  haar  oog 
ontrollen.  *  Nachl.  I.  44.  4  Tgb.  I.  515. 


97 

ures."  *    In   the  Nibelungenlied,  the  wishing-rod   is  only  cas- 
ually mentioned  as  belonging  to  the  hoard: — 

XIX.  186.  1160.  1-3.  (1064) 

Der  Wunsch  lag  darunter,  von  Gold  ein  Riithelein ; 

Wer  das  erkundet  hatte,  der  mochte  Meister  sein 

Wohl  auf  der  ganzen  Erde  iiber  jeden  Mann. 
5069-5072.     Kriemhild. 

O,  zeigt  mir  nur  mein  Bild !    Ich  schaud're  nicht 

Davor  zuriick,  denn  jeder  Zug  verklagt 

Die  Basilisken  dort  nicht  mich.     Sie  haben 

Mir  die  Gedanken  umgefarbt. 
Demetrius  IV.  ii.  2541  f. 

so  hiitet  mich  vor  Spiegeln, 

Sonst  wird's  mir,  wie  dem  Basilisk,  ergeh'n. 

Tgb.  I.  1209.  Der  Mensch  ist  der  Basilisk,  der  stirbt  wenn  er  sich 
selbst  sieht. 

The  lines  in  Demetrius  are  more  in  accord  with  the  popular 
belief  regarding  the  basilisk.  In  Holstein,  it  comes  from  an 
egg  laid  by  a  twenty-year-old  cock,  and  from  its  poisonous 
glance  everything  dies,  and  even  stones  burst  apart.  If  a  mirror 
is  held  before  it,  it  dies.2  Hebbel  merely  mentions  two  other 
fabulous  animals,  the  Einhorn  and  the  Vogel  Grei}.3 

1  Tgb.  I.  1358.  *  Busch,  245  f.  8  3119-3121. 


CHAPTER   IV 
RELATION  TO  PREDECESSORS  AND  CRITICS 

I.     RAUPACH 

HEBBEL'S  letters  and  journals,  as  well  as  his  critical  essays 
for  various  newspapers  and  magazines,  prove  that  he  knew 
well  three  of  the  modern  versions  of  the  Nibelungen  saga, 
and  their  influence  is  shown  more  or  less  clearly  in  his  trilogy. 
A  fourth  version,  mentioned  only  after  his  manuscript  of  the 
"Nibelungen"  was  in  the  printer's  hands,  he  yet  doubtless 
knew  prior  to  its  completion.  The  three  are  Fouque's  "Der 
Held  des  Nordens,"  Raupach's  "Der  Nibelungen-Hort," 
and  Geibel's  "Brunhild;"  the  fourth  is  Wagner's  "Der  Ring 
des  Nibelungen." 

In  order  of  importance  as  an  actual  source,  as  well  as  being 
probably  the  first  modern  version  which  came  to  his  attention, 
Raupach's  work  has  the  principal  place.  It  was  a  successful 
stage  piece  and  is  one  of  the  few  dramatic  versions  of  the  saga 
which  have  ever  seen  the  footlights;  but  as  a  work  of  art  it 
deserves  the  harsh  criticism  which  Hebbel  uttered  against  it. 
Yet  with  all  its  poverty  of  true  dramatic  feeling  and  wealth 
of  theatrical  makeshifts,  it  is  not  to  be  underestimated  as  an 
actual  source  of  HebbePs  work. 

Hebbel's  final  impulse  to  dramatic  composition  usually 
came  from  the  outside;  for  example,  he  was  inspired  to  write 
"Judith"  by  a  picture  in  the  Munich  gallery,1  and  his  inspira- 
tion for  "Gyges"  came  through  the  suggestion  of  Braun  von 
Braunthal  that  this  story  of  Herodotus,  which  Hebbel  had  not 
hitherto  known,  would  be  suitable  to  his  talents.2  So,  too, 
in  the  case  of  the  "Nibelungen,"  the  sight  of  Christine  Eng- 
haus,  who  afterward  became  his  wife,  as  Chriemhild  in  Rau- 

1  Bw.  II.  189.  *  ibid.  187;  Tgb.  III.  5213. 

98 


99 

pach's  "Nibelungen-Hort,"  awakened  the  forms  slumbering 
in  his  mind  and  kindled  anew  the  desire  to  give  them  flesh 
and  blood. 

On  the  fourth  of  November,  1845,  Hebbel  arrived  in  Vienna 
poor  and  discouraged,  after  his  sojourn  in  Italy ; 1  his  travelling 
stipend  from  the  king  of  Denmark  was  spent,  debt  stared  him 
in  the  face,  and  anxiety  for  the  immediate  future  hung  over 
him.  After  a  fortnight  of  neglect,  and  a  failure  to  gain  a  foot- 
hold, Hebbel  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  Vienna  when  he  was 
stopped  by  Zerboni  di  Sposetti,  a  young  nobleman  and  an 
enthusiastic  admirer  of  his  "Judith,"  who  insisted  that  he 
should  remain,  took  him  to  his  own  hotel,  and  provided  for 
his  material  wants.2  A  tide  in  Hebbel's  affairs,  a  change  in 
his  whole  outlook,  date  from  this  time.  Through  the  Con- 
cordia,  a  literary  club  into  which  he  was  introduced,  he  met  a 
Viennese  poet,  Otto  Prechtler,  and  through  him  learned  that 
Fraulein  Enghaus,  first  actress  at  the  Court  Theatre,  had  long 
tried  to  bring  his  "Judith"  on  the  stage.  Prechtler  presented 
Hebbel  to  the  beautiful  actress,  and  at  the  fourth  meeting  they 
became  engaged.3 

On  the  nth  of  April,  1846,  the  poet  wrote  to  Charlotte  Rous- 
seau, the  sister  of  his  student  friend,  of  his  engagement  to 
Christine,  and  of  her  impersonation  of  Chriemhild  in  Rau- 
pach's  play:  "I  myself  have  never  experienced  a  more  power- 
ful impression  in  the  theatre  than  from  her  Chriemhild  in  Rau- 
pach's  Nibelungen-Hort,  however  miserable  beyond  compare 
the  product  is  in  itself."  4  A  week  later,  he  wrote  to  Gurlitt, 
his  artist  friend  in  Rome,  a  similar  expression  of  admiration 
for  her  wonderful  performance.5  And  in  his  journal  for  August 
29th,  1847,  evidently  after  his  wife's  impersonation  of  Chriem- 
hild on  that  date,  he  wrote:  "Tine  as  Chriemhild,  a  black 
flame  !  Great !  Powerful ! 

"Black  flame,  flame  of  judgment!  the  red  flame,  to  be  sure, 
consumes  too,  but  still  it  has  the  color  of  life,  for  blood  is  red, 
and  from  blood  comes  all  life."  6 

1  Tgb.  III.  3746.  •  Nachl.  I.  187. 

2  Nachl.  I.  186;  Kuh  II.  221  ff.  5  Ibid.  191. 

•  Nachl.  I.  187,  419;  Tgb.  III.  3874.  •  Tgb.  III.  4244  f. 


100 

In  the  autobiographical  sketch  which  he  sent  to  F.  A.  Brock- 
haus  in  Leipzig,  September  15,  1852,  Hebbel  recalls  the  first 
performance  with  great  vividness.  "One  evening,  namely, 
when  I  went  into  the  Court  Theatre  or  rather,  considering 
my  aversion  to  the  real  stage  with  its  repertoire,  was  dragged  in, 
I  saw  Fraulein  Christine  Enghaus,  as  Chriemhilde  in  Ernst 
Raupach's  Nibelungen-Hort.  Never  did  I  experience  a  similar 
impression,  and  yet  I  had  seen  much,  and  among  others,  very 
often  the  actress  Rachel.  This  growing  of  the  demon  in  the 
maiden,  who  is  at  the  beginning  so  tender,  so  lily-like,  so  timid, 
this  gradual  rise  to  sudden  action  (Aufzuckeri),  this  final  fear- 
ful bursting  forth  of  a  whole  hell  in  the  oath  of  vengeance: 
it  was  one  of  the  highest  conceivable  pictures  of  the  actor's 
art,  and  was  received  by  the  public  with  the  greatest  applause, 
which  often  lasted  five  minutes."  1 

In  1853,  in  his  article  on  the  week  in  the  theatre,  which  was 
published  anonymously  in  Der  Wanderer,  Vienna,  January 
26th,  he  referred  to  his  wife's  performance  in  the  "Nibelungen- 
Hort"  as  follows:  "Chriemhilde  is  the  most  famous  role  of 
Frau  Hebbel,  nor  is  it  indeed  possible  to  depict  with  more 
agitating  truthfulness,  and  yet  without  overstepping  the  boun- 
dary of  the  beautiful,  the  transition  from  the  timid,  modest 
maiden,  who  hides  shamefaced  from  the  secretly  beloved  one, 
to  that  fearful  demon  of  vengeance  who  cuts  off  the  head  of 
her  own  brother  like  a  thistle-top.  What  a  contrast  between 
the  wheedling  speech,  'Du  wirst  mir  sagen,  wess  der  Giirtel 
ist?'  with  which  she  entices  from  Siegfried  his  secret,  and  the 
horrible  oath  of  vengeance  which  penetrates  marrow  and  bone, 
in  the  fourth  act,  and  how  is  it  depicted ! "  2  When,  in  March 
1 86 1,  he  was  arranging  with  Dingelstedt  for  the  performance 
of  the  third  part  of  his  trilogy,  with  his  wife  as  Chriemhild, 
Hebbel  wrote,  "In  the  tragic-demonic  she  has  not  her  equal, 
and  her  Chriemhild  in  Raupach's  Nibelungen-Hort  was  the 
very  bolt  that  struck  me  fifteen  years  ago,  and  held  me  fast  in 
Vienna."  3  In  his  dedication  to  the  trilogy,  Hebbel  sets  the 

1  Nachl.  I.  418  f.  »  W.  XII.  20  f. 

*  Bw.  II.  71.  For  further  references  to  Chriemhild  as  a  leading  r81e  in  his 
wife's  repertoire,  cf.  Bw.  II.  298  and  Nachl.  I.  133,  II.  10. 


101 

final  seal  upon  his  acknowledgment  of  indebtedness  to  Chris- 
tine's impersonation  of  Chriemhild. 

From  the  time  of  Hebbel's  arrival  in  Vienna  to  March  28th, 
1857,  the  last  time  that  it  appeared  in  the  Vienna  repertoire, 
the  "  Nibelungen-Hort "  was  played  thirteen  times.  All  the 
references  just  given,  as  well  as  Hebbel's  criticisms  of  the 
play,  show  that  he  was  perfectly  familiar  writh  it,  and  that  he 
saw  it  repeatedly  both  before  and  during  his  own  long  and 
interrupted  period  of  composition. 

When  Hebbel  came  to  Vienna,  the  popularity  of  Raupach's 
numerous  dramas  was  still  great  enough  to  yield  large  profits 
to  the  prolific  verse-maker  and  to  cause  Hebbel  much  anger 
and  vexation.  An  autobiographical  sketch  which  Hebbel  doubt- 
less wrote  for  Siegmund  Englander,  and  which  the  latter  used 
in  his  anonymous  characterization,  says,  "As  yet,  Genoveva 
has  nowhere  been  presented  because  Raupach's  play  which 
just  now  is  in  the  theatrical  repertoire  was  in  its  way."  1 

The  "Nibelungen-Hort"  appeared  as  manuscript  for  the 
stage  in  1828,  but  was  not  published  until  1834.  It  is  a  five- 
act  drama  with  a  prologue,  including,  with  surprising  brevity, 
the  Nibelungen  saga,  as  it  is  contained  in  the  Nibelungenlied, 
and  going  beyond  it  for  incidental  inventions  and  for  bor- 
rowings from  the  northern  versions  and  from  the  Siegfriedslied. 

The  prologue  is  based  chiefly  on  the  Siegfriedslied.  Chriem- 
hild has  already  been  carried  off  by  the  dragon  who  is  soon  to 
become  a  man  and  she  his  wife.  King  Eugel  is  given  a  more 
important  role  than  in  the  Siegfriedslied,  in  that  his  prophecy 
is  transformed  into  a  warning  against  the  evil  which  lies  in 
the  treasure.  Siegfried's  encounter  with  the  dragon,  Chriem- 
hild's  vow  to  serve  him,  her  swooning  through  fear  at  his  peril, 
all  are  features  taken  from  the  Siegfriedslied,  while  the  story 
of  the- treasure,  with  its  account  of  Hreidmar,  Fafner,  and  Rei- 
gen,  the  curse  which  rests  upon  the  hoard,  and  the  prophecy 
of  short  life  for  Siegfried,  are  taken  from  the  Norse  sources. 
For  the  first  and  only  time  in  his  play,Raupach  has  a  glimmering 

1  Sonntagsblatter  V.,  Vienna,  Jan.  18,  1846.  W.  XII.  396.  For  further 
references  to  Raupach's  "Genoveva,"  cf.  Tgb.  II.  2381;  Bw.  II.  60;  NachL 
I.  422. 


102 

of  the  true  significance  of  things  in  the  account  of  how  the 
dwarfs  have  first  collected  the  treasure,  and  been  robbed  of 
it  by  the  giants. 

With  the  exception  of  Eugel,  the  names  and  the  persons  are 
from  the  Nibelungenlied.  One  of  Raupach's  methods  for 
attaining  dramatic  brevity  is  to  eliminate  certain  characters 
without  transferring  their  roles.  Thus  Ute  is  dead,  and  Gun- 
ther  is  Chriemhild's  only  brother.  This  elimination  of  char- 
acters prepares  us  for  an  equally  whimsical  disposition  of 
material.  The  five  acts  of  the  play  itself  are  based  almost 
entirely  on  the  Nibelungenlied.  Raupach  retains  Chriem- 
hild's dream  of  the  falcon,  as  well  as  her  two  later  dreams, 
Siegfried's  invulnerability,  the  expedition  to  Iceland,  the 
contests  in  the  tarn-cap  which  here  take  place  before  Brun- 
hild has  seen  Siegfried,  the  night  struggle,  the  taking  of  the 
girdle,  and  the  resulting  quarrel.  All  of  these  contests  Raupach 
explains  as  conditions  laid  down  by  Brunhild's  mother  so  that 
the  defiant  maiden  might  not  die  childless.  The  war  with  the 
Danes  is  referred  to,  and,  as  in  the  Nibelungenlied,  Hagen  learns 
from  Chriemhild  the  secret  of  Siegfried's  vulnerable  spot,  and 
kills  him  at  the  spring.  Hagen  takes  and  sinks  the  treasure 
during  Gunther's  absence,  Etzel  woos  and  wins  Chriemhild, 
and  the  immediate  result  is  the  downfall  of  the  Burgundians, 
with  Blodel,  Dietrich,  Riideger,  Hawart,  and  Iring  as  new 
characters  in  the  final  catastrophe.  These,  and  the  facts  that 
Brunhild  and  Chriemhild  each  have  a  son,  are  the  principal 
features  which  Raupach  has  taken  from  the  Nibelungenlied. 

In  humanizing  Siegfried,  Raupach  has  absolutely  vulgarized 
him,  and  made  of  him  a  roisterous  youth,  who  has  found  life 
too  dull  at  home,  who  goes  about  seeking  pastime,  and  who 
praises  Chriemhild's  lips  as  the  prettiest  he  has  ever  kissed. 
He  is  asked  to  pilot  the  wooing  expedition  because  they  of 
the  Netherlands  know  the  sea.  He  joyfully  proposes  the  sec- 
ond conquest  of  Brunhild:  — 

Haha !    nun  giebt  es  einen  lust'gen  Kampf 
Mit  einer  schonen  Maid  bei  dunkler  Nacht. 
****** 
Wohl  trag'  ich  gross  Verlangen  nach  dem  Lohn, 
Allein  ich  that  es  auch  der  Kurzweil  halben. 


103 

The  quarrel  scene  is  trivialized  by  basing  its  motivation  in 
petty  jealousies.  Brunhild  is  less  rich,  for  Chriemhild  has 
the  hoard,  and  therefore  three  hundred  knights  fought  in  the 
tourney  in  her  colors  and  not  one  in  Brunhild's;  Brunhild  is 
also  the  older  and  less  beautiful  of  the  two,  and  the  feelings 
which  induce  her  taunting  words  to  Chriemhild  are  those  of 
wounded  personal  vanity. 

Yet  although  Raupach  has  maimed  and  dismembered  the 
events  of  the  Nibelungenlied  to  bring  them  into  the  compass 
of  five  acts  which  cover  a  period  of  only  two  years,  he  has  found 
room  for  various  inventions.  In  the  prologue,  we  have  Eugel's 
mysteriously  foreboding  admonitions,  and  Chriemhild's  terror 
of  the  magic  heathen  gold.  In  the  first  act,  we  have  Siegfried's 
long  apostrophe  to  the  Wunderkappe,  Hagen's  opposition  to 
Siegfried's  second  offer  of  assistance,  and  Siegfried's  break- 
ing of  his  vow  of  silence;  we  have  the  girdle  regarded  and 
explained  both  by  Brunhild  and  her  women  as  an  object  for  a 
fourth  and  final  contest;  and  we  have  Brunhild's  attempts  to 
frighten  Gunther  from  further  wooing  by  declaring  her  lack  of 
womanly  qualities  and  her  delight  in  mannish  pursuits.  The 
second  act  brings  Brunhild's  angry  account  of  the  tourney, 
and  Gunther's  wrath  at  her  foolish  feelings,  as  well  as  a  scene 
in  which  Chriemhild  forces  from  Siegfried  the  knowledge  of 
the  girdle.  In  the  third  act,  Brunhild  is  a  member  of  the 
chase,  though  Hagen  is  alone  with  Siegfried  when  he  murders 
him.  Gunther  then  leaves  immediately  for  war,  and  Volker 
ends  the  act  with  a  long  eulogistic  speech  over  Siegfried's 
body. 

A  further  invention  of  Raupach  is  the  family  wrangling 
which  occurs  in  the  fourth  act.  Hagen  has  sent  Chriemhild's 
son  to  Siegmund,  but  Brunhild's  demands  are  that  Chriem- 
hild be  sent,  too,  and  that  the  stolen  hoard  be  given  to  her. 
Each  member  of  the  Burgundian  household  has  a  quarrel 
with  every  other  member.  When  Chriemhild  learns  of  Etzel's 
wooing,  she  makes  a  direct  appeal  to  Brunhild's  womanhood 
and  motherhood,  and  the  scornful  taunt  with  which  Brunhild 
repulses  her  gives  her  the  first  idea  of  vengeance. 

Etzel  himself  comes  to  Worms,  prepared  either  for  war  or 


104 

for  wedding,  and  he  willingly  accedes  to  Chriemhild's  demands 
for  retribution.  Her  condition  is  that  she  shall  not  be  his 
wife  until  vengeance  is  wreaked  on  the  Burgundians.  In  con- 
sequence, the  wedding  feast  takes  place  on  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine,  and  here  Raupach  introduces  the  speeches  over  the 
wine  and  Volker's  song  of  gloomy  prophecy.  Chriemhild's 
demands  are  vengeance  on  Hagen,  the  restoration  of  the  hoard, 
and  Brunhild  in  the  dust  at  her  feet.  When  the  slaughter  is 
complete,  after  Brunhild,  rather  than  intrust  her  child's  fate 
to  such  a  fiend,  jumps  with  him  into  the  Rhine,  Chriemhild 
wishes  herself  back  with  the  dragon  where  she  was  good  and 
pious: — 

Jetzt  bin  ich  bose  wie  die  gift'ge  Schlange, 
Schwarz  wie  die  Nacht,  blutfarbig  wie  der  Brand 
Und  hoffnungslos  wie  die  Verdammniss. 

But  her  remorse  at  her  evil  ways  does  not  prevent  her  last 
deed  of  violence  in  stabbing  Etzel  to  death.  At  this,  the  in- 
furiated Huns  cut  her  down,  and  the  curtain  falls  with  Die- 
trich's unexpected  rise  to  supremacy,  and  his  declaration  of  the 
meaning  of  the  combat  in  freeing  the  world  from  heathendom, 
and  from  the  scourge  of  Etzel's  rule. 

The  added  figures  of  Sirith  and  Hildiko,  confidantes  of  Brun- 
hild and  Chriemhild,  are  doubtless  concessions  to  the  French 
drama. 

Before  giving  in  detail  analogies  between  the  two  plays,  it 
will  be  well  to  see  Hebbel's  attitude  towards  Raupach's  work. 
Hebbel  held  Raupach  worthy  of  consideration  as  a  writer  of 
successful  plays,  and  above  all  of  a  successful  Nibelungen 
tragedy,  though  he  found  the  means  which  he  used  for  his 
effects  degraded  and  of  the  lowest  theatrical  type. 

As  early  as  July,  1835,  Hebbel  was  thinking  of  Raupach 
and  his  methods,  for  he  calls  him  a  "Jew  who  deals  in  poetry 
and  does  not  give  too  much  for  the  money";  *  and  in  1839,  he 
referred  to  a  discussion,  with  a  friend,  of  Gutzkow's  dramas, 
which  he  held  in  very  low  esteem.  The  friend  at  first  defended 
them,  "later,  he  declared  that  Gutzkow's  dramas  stood  at 

1  Tgh.  I.  60. 


105 

least  distinctly  higher  than  Raupach's  poetic  refuse.     This  I 
had   never  disputed." l 

Hebbel  frequently  expresses  his  general  opinion  of  Raupach's 
method  of  composition  and  his  real  dramatic  merit,  and  al- 
ways with  a  degree  of  scorn.  The  highest  praise  that  he  ever 
has  for  him  is  that  he  is  adroit  and  skilful  in  calculating  upon 
theatrical  effects,  and  capable  in  his  treatment  of  minor  sub- 
jects. 

Hebbel's  knowledge  of  Raupach's  "  Nibelungen-Hort "  prob- 
ably dates  from  the  first  time  he  saw  Christine  Enghaus  in 
the  play,  and  his  first  criticism  of  it  appears  when  the  pos- 
sibility of  his  own  use  of  the  Nibelungen  material  becomes  a 
probability  in  his  mind,  and  again  during  the  actual  work  of 
production.  The  anonymous  article  for  the  Wanderer,  already 
referred  to,  is  entirely  devoted  to  a  detailed  account  of  the  per- 
formance, on  January  23d,  1853,  of  the  "Nibelungen-Hort," 
the  first  in  several  years: — 

"Considered  in  itself,  this  play  to  be  sure  falls  below  even 
the  most  modest  requirements,  and  shows  only  the  one  thing, 
that  there  are  materials  which  are  absolutely  not  to  be  sub- 
verted. As  it  stands  fo.rth  before  us,  it  is  like  a  many-colored 
painting  which  is  put  together  in  part  from  a  mutilated  Nurem- 
berg picture-book,  in  part  from  the  remains  and  left-over  tat- 
ters of  a  Michel  Angelo.  The  old,  mighty  epic  which  lies  at 
the  basis  of  the  piece  could  not  be  destroyed  entirely,  here  and 
there  one  or  the  other  of  the  original  gigantic  outlines  still 
looms  up  in  the  new  beggarly  medley,  now  and  then  one  of  the 
primitive  knights  still  shows  his  iron  hand.  But  the  old  only 
appears  to  slay  the  new,  and  then  again  to  disappear.  .  .  . 
How  did  he  (Raupach)  of  necessity  fare  when  he  ventured  the 
wild  Hagen,  the  false  Gunther,  the  enigmatic  Brunhild,  and 
the  supefhumanly  terrible  Chriemhild !  .  .  .  Now  he  draws 
on  seven-league  boots,  now  goes  at  a  snail's  pace,  both  usually 
at  the  wrong  time.  For  like  all  those  who  do  not  understand 
the  myth,  he  tries  to  motivate  the  fabulous  which  must  count 
on  belief,  because  it  oversteps  all  bounds,  and  on  the  other 
hand  he  leaves  unused  the  points  where  the  heroes  return  to 
1  Tgb.  I.  1865.  91  ff. 


106 

the  human,  and  where  the  poet  can  bring  them  nearer  to  our 
feelings.  In  the  case  of  such  a  colossal  misunderstanding  in 
the  whole,  we  may  spare  ourselves  the  pointing  out  of  details; 
most  amusing  seemed  to  us  Siegfried's  touching  account  of  his 
adventure  with  the  bear;  namely,  the  knight  omits  to  kill 
a  bear  because  it  occurs  to  him  that  Isegrim  perhaps  has  a 
family  just  as  well  as  himself.1  But  the  evening  was  none  the 
less  most  enjoyable  for  us,  in  the  first  place,  because  it  once 
more  vividly  called  to  mind  the  mighty  lay;  second,  because 
it  showed  us  again  the  art  of  acting  in  its  full  power  and  maj- 
esty. For  what  was  accomplished  by  the  interpretation  with 
such  a  piece !  .  .  . 

"We  cannot  omit  to  express  a  wish  on  this  occasion  which 
we  have  long  had  in  our  hearts.  What  a  gain  would  it  be  for 
the  nation  if  the  'dramatic  Nibelungen-hoard '  were  one  day 
really  raised !  We  know  well  what  we  are  asking,  and  that  a 
Shakesperean  power  is  required  to  answer  our  demands  in 
full !  But  in  the  first  place  we  should  like  only  to  be  freed 
from  Raupach,  we  should  like  the  original  outlines  of  the  won- 
drous poem  shown  forth  once  more,  even  if  it  were  only  in  a 
sharp,  unamplified  sketch,  and  for  that  certainly  the  talent 
might  be  found.  The  drama  requires  support  from  the  oldest 
transmitted  accounts  of  a  people,  whether  these  be  in  saga  or 
in  history,  if  it  is  not  to  flutter  about  without  a  hold ;  let  it  point 
itself  as  subjectively  as  it  will  in  its  further  development,  only 
let  not  the  general  fundament  be  lacking.  The  Greeks  based 
their  dramas  on  their  mythology,  Shakespere  transfused  all 
English  history  into  his  drama,  and  our  poets  should  hold  to 
the  Nibelungenlied,  which  in  part  carries  us  back  to  that  time 
when  Germani  and  Hindoos  still  lived  unseparated  in  Asia. 
And  our  challenge  can  concern  but  a  few;  might  no  one  be 
found  to  accept  it  ?  Failure  would  indeed  be  no  disgrace."  2 

In  his  review  of  Geibel's  "Brunhild,"  which  appeared  in 
the  Illustrierte  Zeitung,  Leipzig,  May  i5th,  1858,  Hebbel  devotes 
nearly  half  the  space  to  another  searching  criticism  of  the 
Raupach  play,  in  which  he  partially  quotes  his  previous  article, 
and  adds,  "The  reason  for  the  failure  lies  in  the  motivation." 

1  III.  iv.  2  W.  XII.  19-21.  *  Ibid.  164-167. 


107 

Thus  we  see  that  Hebbel  recognized  exactly  the  principal 
defects  of  Raupach's  work,  and  that  he  naturally  avoided  those 
faults  himself.  He  felt  that  the  Nibelungenlied  should  not  be 
tampered  with  at  will,  the  motives  should  indeed  be  kept  hu- 
man, but  not  be  reduced  to  the  trivial,  nor  should  unnecessary 
inventions  and  impossible  situations  be  allowed;  each  impor- 
tant person  should  be  given  his  full  meaning  and  value,  and 
not  be  treated  as  a  lay  figure  only  to  be  dragged  into  the  action 
to  fill  a  gap,  or  eliminated  as  a  nonentity.  Yet  while  Hebbel 
strove  consciously  in  the  opposite  direction,  there  are  certain 
hints  which  he  deliberately  took  from  the  "  Nibelungen-Hort," 
and  numerous  suggestions  and  verbal  likenesses  which  he  may 
simply  have  imbibed  from  his  accurate  knowledge  of  Raupach's 
drama,  but  which  certainly  show  too  deep  an  impress  upon 
his  own  work  not  to  be  of  importance  in  a  study  of  Hebbel's 
sources. 

Aside  from  linguistic  similarities  and  the  borrowing  of 
minor  incidents,  Hebbel  seems  to  have  adopted  several  impor- 
tant suggestions  for  the  arrangement  of  scenes  and  the  treat- 
ment of  material  from  Raupach.  Thus  Hebbel  has  Ute  and 
Kriemhild  watch  the  games  in  a  manner  similar  to  that  in  which 
Raupach  has  Sirith  and  Brunhild's  women  witness  and  dis- 
cuss the  contests  in  Iceland.1  Probably  also  the  introduction 
of  the  dwarfs  bearing  the  Nibelungen  treasure  to  Worms,  and 
Siegfried's  mention  of  the  dwarfs  guarding  the  way  to  Brun- 
hild, were  suggested  by  Raupach's  Prologue  with  Eugel  and 
his  company.2  In  both  plays  the  hoard  is  brought  to  Worms 
at  once  by  Siegfried's  command.3  Hebbel  connects  a  runic 
tablet  with  Brunhild,  Raupach  a  runic  girdle.4  Raupach's 
description  of  Isenland  may  have  given  Hebbel  the  idea  for 
his  much  more  poetic  picture.5  Hebbel  also  seems  to  follow 
Raupach  in  omitting  the  ring,  and  in  introducing  a  scene  in 
which  Kriemhild,  who  has  found  the  girdle,  inveigles  Siegfried 
into  telling  her  its  story.  The  Nibelungenlied  dismisses  this 
incident  with  the  simple  statement  that  Siegfried  "gab  ihn 

1  Nn.  Vors.  iii. ;  Raupach  I.  v.  *  Nn.  688  ff. ;  Raupach  I.  vi.  46. 

1  S.  T.  II.  vii. ;  Raupach  Vors.  i.  142-145. 

1  S.  T.  II.  vii.;  Raupach  Vors.  5  Nn.  827  ff.;  Raupach  I.  i.  33  ff. 


108 

seinem  Weibe."  1  Volker  knows  of  Siegfried  in  both  plays ; 2 
in  the  "  Nibelungen,"  his  reputation  as  an  epic  singer  for  be- 
ing familiar  with  strange  tales  brings  to  mind  Volker's  own 
speech  in  the  "Nibelungen-Hort,"  in  which  he  tells  the  func- 
tions and  privileges  of  the  poet,3  and  in  both  plays  he  is  at 
times  a  prophetic  visionary.4  Both  poets  place  the  quarrel 
scene  entirely  in  front  of  the  cathedral,  instead  of  having  it 
renewed  there,5  both  enlarge  upon  Hagen's  wily  endeavors  to 
learn  the  secret  of  Siegfried's  vulnerable  spot,6  both  have 
Etzel,  not  Kriemhild,  set  fire  to  the  hall,7  and  in  both  plays 
the  final  scene  reaches  its  close  with  Dietrich  emphatically 
before  us  as  the  Christian  hero.8 

Further  similarities  between  Hebbel's  "Nibelungen"  and 
Raupach's  "Nibelungen-Hort"  are  indicated  in  the  following 
quotations :  — 

409-411.    As  Kriemhild  and  Ute  are  watching  the  games. 
Ute. 

Bricht  iiber  unser'm  Haupt  die  Burg  zusammen  ? 
Das  drohnt! 
Kriemhild. 

Bis  in  den  Thurm  hinauf.    Die  Dohlen 
Und  Fledermause  fahren  aus  den  Nestern. 

Raupach  V.  iv.  162.     Eckart  (calling  the  Burgundians  to  battle). 

Es  braust  ein  Sturm  durchs  Lager, 
Und  weckt  die  Dohlen  und  die  Raben  auf; 
Sie  kommen  krachzend  her  zu  diesem  Thurme, 
Als  batten  sie  von  Beute  Witterung. 
537  f.    Siegfried. 

Mich  trieb  die  Lust 
Am  Kampf  so  weit  hinunter. 
Raupach  Vors.  iv.  24.     Siegfried. 

Arbeit  suchend  zieh'  ich 

S.  T.  III.  iii. ;  Raupach  II.  iii. ;  Nl.  628. 

Nn.  Vors.  i.  88  ff. ;  Raupach  Vors.  iv.  25. 

Nn.  Vors.  i.  81  ff. ;  Raupach  V.  i.  154. 

S.  T.  II.  vi.  1 1 80;  K.  R.  IV.  i.;  Raupach  V.  i. 

S.  T.  III.  vi. ;  Raupach  II.  v. ;  Nl.  XIV.  758  ff.,  776  ff. 

S.  T.  IV.  iii.  v.  vi. ;  Raupach  III.  i. 

K.  R.  IV.  xxiii. ;  4975-4977,  V.  i.,  viii.,  5068-5091. 

K.  R.  V.  xiv. ;  Raupach  V.  rii. 


109 

Von  Land  zu  Land;  zu  Haus'  ist  alles  still, 
Und  jungem  Blut  wird  Zeit  und  Weile  lang. 
541-543,  cf.  page  62. 
Raupach  I.  iii.  19.     Eugel. 

Denn  seine  Sohne  —  Fafner  hiess  der  eine, 
Der  and're  Reigen  —  nach  dem  Reichthum  geizend, 
Erschlugen  ihren  Vater,  da  er  schlief. 
665.     Hagen. 

(Legt  den  Finger  auj  den  Mund,  sieht  Siegfried  an  uni 

schlagt  an's  Schwert.) 
Siegfried. 

Bin  ich  ein  Weib?    In  Ewigkeit  kein  Wort! 

*37*-i373-    Hagen. 

Wir  steh'n  allhier  zu  Dreien 
Und  haben,  hoff'  ich,  keine  einz'ge  Zunge, 
Der  Vierte  in  uns'rem  Bunde  sei  der  Tod ! 

Mss.  H  Th.  1382  f.,  afterwards  crossed  out:  — 

Hagen. 

Nur  hievon  nie  ein  Wort, 

Selbst  unter  uns  nicht  mehr ! 
Raupach  I.  viii.  52. 
Gunther. 

Vergiss  nicht,  dass  Du  schweigen  mir  gelobt. 
Siegfried. 

Ich  hab's  gelobt,  gelob'  es  abermals. 
Gunther. 

Doch  hast  Du  jetzt  gebrochen  Dein  Geliibde. 
55.    Hagen. 

O  Herr!   auf  die  Bestandigkeit  des  Windes 

Und  auf  des  Meeres  Stille  magst  Du  rechnen, 

Auf  die  Verschwiegenheit  des  Menschen  nicht. 
750.    Frigga. 

Im  Hekla. 
Raupach  Vors.  i.  3. 

Matter  schimmert  die  Feuersaule, 

'Die  aus  dem  Rachen  des  Ungethiimes, 

Wie  aus  der  Esse  des  Hekla's  stieg. 
803  f.     Siegfried  (to  Brunhild). 

Der  Ruf  von  Deiner  Schonheit  drang  gar  weit, 

Doch  weiter  noch  der  Ruf  von  Deiner  Strenge 
Raupach  I.  iv.  40.      Gunther  (to  Sirith). 

Der  Ruf  von  ihrer  Schonheit,  ihrer  Macht 

Und  ihrem  Heldenmuth  ist  iibers  Meer 

Zu  uns  gedrungen. 


110 

8o8  f.     Brunhild. 

Wer  hier  nicht  siegt,  der  stirbt  sogleich, 

Und  seine  Diener  mit. 
Raupach  I.  iv.  40  f.     Sirith. 

Und  wenn  sie  Dich  besiegt? 
Gunther. 

So  fallt  mein  Haupt. 
Sirith. 

Du  redest  wahr,  so  lautet  das  Gesetz, 

Von  ihren  Eltern  Uber  sie  verhangt. 
816  f.    Brunhild. 

Lass  Dir  von  meinen  Magden  doch  die  Recken 

Erst  nennen,  die  von  meiner  Hand  schon  fielen. 
153  f.    Volker. 

Bald  kommt  auf  jedes  Glied  an  ihrem  Leibe 

Ein  Freier,  den  die  kalte  Erde  deckt. 
Raupach  I.  iv.  41.    Sirith. 

Lass  Dir  erst  die  bleichen  Haupter  zeigen, 

Die  der  Walkuhr'  in  gleichem  Kampf  verfallen. 
843  f.    Brunhild. 

Was  weisst  denn  Du  von  meiner  Einsamkeit? 

Noch  hab'  ich  nichts  aus  Eurer  Welt  vermisst. 
Raupach  I.  v.  43.    Sirith. 

Und  ist  das  fremde  Land  auch  zehnmal  schoner, 

Zur  Heimath  wird's  doch  nie,  das  sagen  alle. 
Ms.  H  before  930.    Hagen. 

Mir  daucht,  die  ist  zum  Weibe  nicht  bestimmt 

Und  war'  ich  Du,  so  kehrt'  ich  (urn !)  jetzt  noch  um ! 
Raupach  I.  viii.  54.    Hagen. 

Mir  ahnet,  nicht  zum  Heile  der  Burgunden 

Fiihrst  Du  dies  Heidenweib  in  Deine  Burg. 
***** 

Und  ware 

Auch  zehnmal  machtiger  dies  Konigreich, 
Ich  nahm'  es  nicht  mit  dieser  Konigin. 

1105.    Brunhild. 

Das  Zeichen  das  zu  seiner  Magd  mich  stempelt. 

Raupach  I.  vii.  48.    Brunhild. 

Die  Liebe  kenn'ich  so  nur,  dass  ich  weiss, 
Sie  macht  das  Weib  zu  eines  Herren  Magd. 
II.  i.  59- 

Darum  vertauscht  des  reinen  Magdthums  Freiheit 
Mit  eines  Eheweibes  schnoder  Knechtschaft. 

1250  ff.  Wulf  and  Truchs  discuss  the  rival  claims  of  Kriem- 


Ill 

hild  and  Brunhild,  while  watching  the  dwarfs  who  bear  the 
Nibelungen  treasure :  — 

Truchs. 

Ich  steh'  zu  Kriemhild. 
Wulf. 

So?    Zu  Brunhild  ich. 
Truchs. 

Warum,  wenn's  Dir  beliebt? 
Wulf. 

Wie  brachtest  Du 

Dein  Lanzenspiel  zusammen,  wenn  wir  Alle 

Dieselbe  Farbe  hielten? 

Raupach  II.  i.  58.     Brunhild's  first  anger  is  aroused  at  the 
tourney: — 

Nicht  hundert  Kampfer  stritten 
In  meiner  Farbe;  wohl  dreihundert  prangten 
In  Deiner  Schwester  Chriemhild  Kleid  und  Schmuck. 
1257  f.     Truchs. 

Es  ist  ein  Unterscheid,  wie  Tag  und  Nacht. 
Wulf. 

Wer  laugnet  das  ?    Doch  Mancher  liebt  die  Nacht ! 

This  comparison  of  Kriemhild  with  Brunhild  recalls  Brun- 
hild's speech :  — 

Raupach  II.  i.  59.    Brunhild. 

Ich  habe  stets 

Den  Mond  gehasst,  weil  er  sein  schwarzes  Antlitz 
Mit  dem  erborgten  Sonnenlichte  schminkt, 
Und  soil  nun  selbst  ein  Mond  seyn,  nur  gesehn, 
Wann  eine  Kon'gin-Sonne  ihn  beleuchtet? 

I3S4-I3S9-    Hagen. 

doch  die  Ehre, 

Einmal  erkrankt,  und  dann  nicht  rasch  geheilt, 
Steht  niemals  wieder  von  den  Todten  auf. 
Und  eines  Konigs  Ehre  ist  der  Stern, 
Der  alle  seine  Recken  mitbeleuchtet 
Und  mit  verdunkelt ! 

Raupach  II.  vii.  89.    Hagen. 

Es  ist  mein  Konig,  meiner  Treue  Herr, 
Dess  Ehre  man  so  schwer  gekrankt,  verletzt, 
Nein,  auf  den  Tod  verwundet,  denn  im  Glauben 
Des  Volks,  nicht  in  der  Wahrheit  liegt  die  Ehre. 


112 

QI. 

Mehr  als  Du  selber  bist, 
1st  Deine  Ehre,  die  noch  nach  Dir  lebt. 

In  both  plays  Kriemhild  finds  the  girdle. 

1448.     Kriemhild. 

unter'm  Tisch. 

i45i- 

Ich  fand  ihn  in  der  Kammer. 

Raupach  II.  iii.  66.     Chriemhild. 

Geschmeide  noch  in  Deinem  Schreine  suchend 

Fand  ich  ihn  wohl  verwahrt,  ja  tief  versteckt. 
1453  f-    Kriemhild.  Ich  dachte, 

Er  stamme  aus  dem  Nibelungenhort. 
Raupach  II.  iii.  67.     Siegfried. 

Zum  Nibelungen-Hort  mag  er  gehoren. 
1469.     Kriemhild. 

Bald  werd's  ich's  glauben. 
1487-1490,  cf.  page  178. 
Raupach  II.  iii.  68.     Chriemhild. 

Wie  Du  gelogen  hast,  so  liigst  Du  wieder. 
*  *  *  *  # 

Nein,  Heuchler!   die  den  Giirtel  hat  getragen, 
Die  hat  empfangen,  was  Du  mir  geraubt. 
1475.     Kriemhild. 

Wie  kam  er  denn  in  deine  Hand? 
Raupach  II.  iii.  66.     Siegfried. 

Hei !  wie  kommt  das 
In  Deine  Hand? 
Chriemhild. 

Wo  hast  Du  ihn  dann  her? 
1477  f.     Kriemhild. 

Du  hast 

Mir  doch  ein  gross'res  anvertraut. 
Raupach  II.  iii.  70.     Chriemhild. 

Du  willst  mir  sagen,  wess  der  Giirtel  ist? 

In  both  plays,  Brunhild  shows  the  same  wild  desire  to  have 
Siegfried  leave  Worms:  — 

1495  f.     Brunhild. 

War  das  nicht  Kriemhild  ? 
Gunther. 

Ja. 


113 

Brunhild. 

Wie  lange  bleibt 
Sie  noch  am  Rhein? 
1497-1499.    Brunhild. 

Ich  geb'  ihm  Urlaub 

Und  schenke  ihm  den  Abschied  obend'rein. 
Gunther. 

1st  er  Dir  so  verhasst? 
Raupach  II.  ii.  61.    Brunhild. 

Doch  Siegfried  ziehe  fort:  lass  heim  ihn  kehren 
An  seines  Vaters  Hof. 

62. 

Lass  heim  ihn  ziehen,  dass  von  Deiner  Schwester 
Ich  nichts  mehr  wisse,  hore,  nichts  mehr  sehe. 

63- 

Und  wenn 

Du  ihm  die  Welt  verdanktest,  lass  ihn  zieh'n ! 
1514  f.     Brunhild  (the  morning  after  the  final  contest,  to  Gunther). 

ich  mogte 

Jetzt  lieber  lauschen,  wie  die  Spinnen  weben. 

Raupach  I.  vii.  48.     Brunhild  (warning  Gunther  from  trying  to  win  her 
love). 

Ich  will 

Nicht  weben  gleich  der  missgeschaff'nen  Spinne. 
1535-1545,  cf.  page  71. 
Raupach  II.  i.  58  f.     Brunhild. 

Weil  sie  dies  kann,  ist  sie  die  Konigin. 

Mein  Hauptschmuck  zeigt  nur  die  Gestalt  der  Krone, 

Ihr  Stirnband  hat  der  Krone  Werth  und  Glanz. 

Wie  prangte  sie !     Ihr  Haupt  war  sonnenhell, 

Und  ihr  Gewand  dem  Winterhimmel  gleich, 

Wenn  er  sich  schmiickt  mit  alien  tausend  Sternen. 

Wie  Bienen  hangen  an  der  Konigin, 

So  hingen  alle  Blick  an  ihr,  und  ich 

Ward  nur  gesehen,  weil  ich  neben  ihr, 

In  ihrem  Glanze  sass. 
1563-1568.     Brunhild. 

Ob  er  den  Lindwurm  schlug 

Und  Alberich  bezwang:   das  alles  reicht 

Noch  nicht  von  fern'  an  Dich.     In  Dir  und  mir 

Hat  Mann  und  Weib  fiir  alle  Ewigkeit 

Den  letzten  Kampf  urn's  Vorrecht  ausgekampft. 

Du  bist  der  Sieger. 
1653  f.    Brunhild. 

Eh'  ich  geboren  wurde,  war's  bestimmt, 

Dass  nur  der  Starkste  mich  besiegen  solle  — 


114 

Raupach  II.  v.  78.     Brunhild. 

Macht's  Dich  so  stolz,  dass  er  im  Kampf  um  Dich 

Ein  unbehiilflich  Ungeheuer  schlug? 

Ich  war  gefiirchtet  auf  dem  weiten  Meere, 

Ich  war  der  Lande  Schrecken  nah  und  fern; 

Mein  Leib  war  Riesenkraft  und  meine  Seele 

War  Gottermuth;  ich  schlug  die  kiihnsten  Recken, 

Und  mich  besiegte  Konig  Gunther's  Arm : 

Ein  Held  nur  konnte  diesen  Sieg  erringen. 
1592-1594.     Kriemhild. 

Nun,  ist's  nicht  besser,  Kampfe  anzusehen, 

Als  selbst  zu  kampfen? 
Brunhild. 

Hast  Du  Beides  schon 

Versucht,  dass  Du  vergleichen  kannst? 
1624  f.    Brunhild. 

Ich  will  dafur  geduldig  auf  Dich  horen, 

Wenn  Du  mir  zeigst,  wie  man  die  Nadel  braucht. 
Raupach  II.  v.  78.    Brunhild. 

der  Nadel  nur, 

Der  Spindel  kundig  schwatzest  Du  von  Kampf? 

1662.     Kriemhild  (referring  to  the  question  of  precedence  in  entering  the 
cathedral). 

Ich  hatte  Dir  ihn  wahrlich  nicht  versagt. 
Raupach  II.  v.  76.    Chriemhild. 

Ich  wiirde  Dich 

Erwartet  haben  an  des  Munsters  Pforte, 

Dass  Du  den  Vortritt  nahmest. 
1681-1688.     Kriemhild. 

Ich  liebe  Dich  auch  jetzt 

Noch  viel  zu  sehr  und  kann  Dich  nie  so  hassen, 

Um  Dir  den  Grund  zu  nennen.     Ware  Mir's 

Gescheh'n,  ich  griibe  mir  mit  eig'nen  Handen 

In  dieser  Stunde  noch  das  Grab !    Nein,  nein  J 

Nicht  ich  will  das  elendeste  Geschopf, 

Das  auf  der  ganze  Erde  athmet,  machen, 

Sei  stolz  und  frech,  ich  bin  aus  Mitleid  stumm ! 
Raupach  II.  iii.  73.     Chriemhild. 

wenn  ich  sie 

Auch  nicht  kann  lieben,  heg*  ich  Mitleid  doch; 

Sie  konnt's  nicht  iiberleben,  wtird'  ihr  kund, 

Wie  arg  man  sie  beleidigt  und  betrogen. 
1720  f.    Frigga. 

Du  kannst  es  Dir 

Zwar  nicht  zuriick  erobern. 


115 

Raupach  II.  ii.  61.    Brunhild. 

Was  Du  geraubt,  Du  kannst's  nicht  wiedergeben. 

1732  f.    Kriemhild. 

Vergieb  mir,  mein  Gemahl !    Ich  that  nicht  recht 
Doch  wenn  Du  wiisstest,  wie  Sie  Dich  geschmaht  — 

J743  *• 

Wenn  Du  bedenkst,  wie  schwer  Du  mich  gereizt. 

Raupach  II.  vi.  82  f.     Chriemhild. 

Vergieb  mir,  Lieber ! 

Sie  hat  mich  sehr  gereizt,  hat  Dich  gescholten, 
Dich  feig  genannt  und  einen  schlechten  Mann. 

85- 

Ihr  Stolz  entriss  mir  mit  Gewalt  das  Wort. 

Hagen's  warning  to  Gunther  in  the  "  Nibelungen-Hort " 
to  separate  women  who  hate  each  other  finds  its  echo  in  the 
"Nibelungen,"  though  here  after  the  quarrel :  — 

1738-1741.    Hagen. 

Jetzt  bringe  nur 

Die  Weiber  aus  einander,  die  noch  immer 
Die  Schlangenkamme  wieder  strauben  konnen, 
Wenn  sie  zu  friih'  sich  in  die  Augen  seh'n. 

Raupach  II.  ii.  62.    Hagen. 

Zwischen  Frauen,  die  sich  hassen, 
Leg5  ein  Gebirg  und  noch  ein  Meer  dazu. 

64. 

Wo  sich  die  Frauen  hassen, 

Kann  auch  der  Manner  Freundschaft  nicht  bestehn. 
vi.  84.     Siegfried. 

Halt  man  die  Weiber  nicht  in  guter  Zucht, 
So  jagen  sie  den  Frieden  aus  der  Welt. 

In  both  pkys  the  necessity  for  the  deed  of  murder  is  empha- 
sized :  — 

1761.    Hagen. 

Dir  blieb  die  Wahl  ja  zwischen  ihm  und  ihr. 
1937.    Volker. 

Und  darum  bleibt's  dabei:  Er  oder  Sie! 

1945  *• 

jetzt 

1st  diess  das  Ziel. 


116 

Raupach  III.  iii.  108.    Hagen. 

Freiheit  hort  nun  auf, 
Nothwendigkeit  ist  da  fur  Dich  und  mich. 

Hebbel  seems  to  have  followed  Raupach  in  emphasizing  the 
idea  of  bastard  children  being  made  a  reproach  to  the  Bur- 
gundians :  — 

1765-1769.    Hagen. 

Wollt  Ihr  Bastarde  zieh'n  an  Eurem  Hof  ? 
Ich  zweifle,  ob  die  trotzigen  Burgunden 
Sie  kronen  werden !    Doch  Du  bist  der  Herr ! 
Gerenot. 

Der  tapf're  Siegfried  wird  sie  schon  bezwingen, 
Sobald  sie  murren,  wenn's  uns  selbst  nicht  gliickt. 
Raupach  II.  vii.  91.    Hagen. 

wann  Dein  Sohn  einst  Deine  Mannen  ruft 
Zum  Fest  der  Kronung  und  zum  Eid  der  Treue, 
So  steigt  das  Blut  der  Scham  in  ihre  Wangen  — 
Wohl  mir !    Ich  werde  diesen  Tag  nicht  sehn  — 
Sie  rufen  laut:   Fort  mit  dem  kecken  Buben, 
Der  Konig  seyn  will,  und  ein  Bastard  ist. 
IV.  iii.  138.    Brunhild. 

Was  redest  Du  von  meines  Sohnes  Ehre, 
Den  Du  zum  Bastard  liigen  wolltest? 
IV.  ix.  176.    Chriemhild. 

Lass  sie's  gesteh'n,  dass  er  ein  Bastard  ist.1 
1912-1914.    Hagen. 

Man  forscht 

Ein  Land  doch  aus  mit  alien  seinen  Passen, 
Warum  nicht  einen  Helden? 
Raupach  III.  i.  96.     Hagen. 

Wer  aber  eine  Burg  bewahren  soil, 
Der  muss  des  Werkes  schwache  Seite  kennen. 
2149  f.    Gunther. 

Sie  rechnet  auf  die  That,  wie  wir  auf  Aepfel, 
Wenn's  Herbst  geworden  ist. 
Raupach  II.  vii.  87.     Brunhild. 

Nun  rathet, 

Nicht,  ob,  nein  —  wie  mir  Rache  werden  soil. 
***** 

Die  Rach'  ist  mir  gewiss. 
Es  sollen  nicht  zwei  Manner  seyn  auf  Erden, 
Die  meinen  Leib  beriihrt,  und  werden  nicht. 

1  Cf.  Nl.  810. 


117 

2236.    Hagen. 

Nun,  hast  Du  Deine  Spindel  schon? 
Gunther  (scorning  to  turn  back  from  his  journey  to  the  Huns  because  of 

the  warning  and  evil  portents,  exclaims) 
3786-3788. 

Ich  will 

Nicht  warten,  bis  der  Heunenkonig  mir 

Ein  Spinnrad  schickt. 

Raupach  V.  vii.  171.     Chriemhild  (inciting  Etzel  to  the  slaughter  of  the 
Burgundians,  scorns  him  with  the  words) 

Nehmt  Spindeln  in  die  Hand, 

Und  giirtet  Euch  mit  einem  Weibergurtel, 

Den  Rocken  d'rein  zu  stecken. 
2243.     Kriemhild. 

Wie  kann  man  thun,  was  man  sogleich  bereut ! 
Raupach  III.  i.  97. 

Ach !  hab  ich  wohl  gethan,  dass  ich's  gesagt?  * 
2253.     Kriemhild. 

Wenn  ich  Euch  theuer  bin,  wenn  ihr  es  nicht 

Vergessen  habt,  dass  Eine  Milch  uns  nahrte. 
Raupach  IV.  ii.  133.     Chriemhild. 

Du  rede,  Bruder,  Du !    Du  hast  mit  mir 

Gelegen  unter  einem  Mutterherzen, 

Mit  mir  getrunken  einer  Mutter  Milch. 

2283.    Hagen,  at  the  chosen  spring,  exclaims:  — 

Diess  ist  der  Ort. 
Raupach  III.  iii.  107.    Hagen. 

Diess,  Konig,  ist  der  Ort. 
2295  f.    Hagen. 

doch  ich  halte 

Die  That  darum  nicht  minder  fur  gerecht. 

Raupach  III.  iii.  109.    Hagen. 

Ich  thue  Recht. 

2616-2618.     Kriemhild. 

Ich  bin  ein  armes,  halb  zertret'nes  Weib, 
Und  kann  mit  meinen  Locken  keinen  Recken 
Erdrosseln:  welche  Rache  bliebe  mir? 

Raupach  IV.  i.  126.     Gunther. 

O  Riesenfurcht !    Was  konnte  sie  beginnen, 
Beraubt  des  Gatten  und  beraubt  des  Schatzes? 

1  Cf.  Nl.  863. 


118 

Throughout  "  Kriemhild's  Rache"  we  have  hints  of  the 
family  discord  at  Worms :  — 

2838.     Gunther. 

Im  Hause  Groll  und  Zwiespalt,  draussen  Schmach. 

3849.     Kriemhild. 

Doch  nein,  sie  hassen  sich ! 

4529  f.    Hagen  (of  Giselher). 

Er  hat  kein  mildes  Wort  mit  mir  gesprochen, 
Seit  wir  zuriick  sind  aus  dem  Odenwald. 

5236-5242.     Kriemhild. 

Das  konnt  ich  auch  nicht  ahnen,  als  ich  sie 

So  mit  einander  hadern  sah.     Mein  Grab 

Im  Kloster  war  nicht  still  genug,  dass  ich 

Den  ew'gen  Zank  nicht  horte:  konnt'  ich  denken, 

Dass  sie,  die  sich  das  Brot  vergifteten, 

Sich  hier  so  dicht  zusammen  knaueln  wiirden, 

Als  hingen  sie  an  Einer  Nabelschnur? 

Mss.  H  Th.  5242  ff.,  afterwards  crossed  out:  — 

Kriemhild. 

Wenn  sie  die  Rolle  der  Zusammen  — 

Gewachsnen  Drillinge,  die  sich  zerkratzten 

Und  doch  vertheidigten,  zu  Ende  (bringen)  spielen, 

So  andert's  Nichts. 

Raupach  also  insists  upon  unceasing  quarrelling  and  wran- 
gling among  the  Burgundians  after  Siegfried's  death,  and  makes 
it  a  prominent  feature  in  Acts  IV.  and  V. 

2863-2868.    Hagen. 

Wenn  ich  Dein  Mann,  Dein  treu'ster  Mann  nicht  ware, 

Wenn  jeder  Tropfen  meines  Blutes  nicht 

So  fur  Dich  pochte,  wie  das  ganze  Herz 

Der  Uebrigen,  wenn  ich,  was  Du  erst  ftthlst, 

Wenn  es  Dich  trifft,  nicht  immer  vorempfande, 

Und  tiefer  oft,  wie  Du  in  Wirklichkeit. 
Raupach  I.  viii.  55.     Hagen. 

Ich,  Herr,  bin  Dein:  die  Treue  gegen  Dich 

1st  meine  einz'ge  Lieb'  auf  dieser  Welt, 

Und  Ehre,  sonst  des  Mannes  Konigin, 

1st  doch  bei  mir  die  Dienerin  der  Treue. 

2885-2888.     Hagen  (referring  to  the  murder  of  King  Niblung  for  the 
sake  of  the  treasure). 

urn  dasselbe  Gold, 

Das  Siegfried  an  den  Rhein  gebracht.    Wer  hatte 


119 

Sich's  wohl  gedacht,  bevor  sie's  wirklich  thaten? 
Doch  ist's  gescheh'n  und  wird  noch  oft  gescheh'n. 

Raupach  Vors.  iii.  19.    Chriemhild. 

Lass  Gold  und  Edelstein  und  kiinstlich  Werk ! 
Sie  haben  einmal  Blutschuld  schon  gezeugt, 
Und  konnten  Blutschuld  abermals  erzeugen. 

2895  f.     Hagen. 

Nur  gebt  ihr  keine  Waffen,  muss  ich  rathen, 
Wenn  sie  Euch  selbst  damit  erreichen  kann. 

Raupach  IV.  i.  128.    Hagen. 

Du  scharfst  das  Eisen  selbst  fiir  Deine  Brust. 
Die  gift'ge  Schlange  nahrest  Du  mit  Gift, 
Damit  sie  todtlicher  Dich  einst  verwunde. 
Der  Schwergekrankten  willst  Du  Macht  verleihen. 

2922.    Ute. 

in  ihrem  schwarzen  Trauerkleide. 

2929-2938.    Hagen. 

Ja,  es  war  ein  Bild, 

Den  Stein  zu  rtihren !    Und  da  Wohlthat  driickt, 
Und  Jeder,  um  die  Last  sich  zu  erleichtern, 
Auf  irgend  eine  Art  zu  danken  wiinscht, 
So  hatte  von  den  vielen  Tausenden, 
Die  sich  allmalig  um  sie  sammehi  mussten, 
Zuletzt  wohl  Einer  sie  gefragt:   Was  weinst  Du? 
Um  auf  den  kleinsten  Wink  das  Schwert  zu  zieh'n 
Und  den  zu  rachen,  der  den  Wurm  erschlagen 
Und  auch  den  reichen  Hort  in's  Land  gebracht. 

Raupach  IV.  i.  122.    Hagen. 

Und  spater  nahm  sie  jeden  Anlass  wahr 
An  Edle  Gold  zu  spenden,  und  an's  Volk, 
Und  diese  Spenden,  machtig  unterstiitzt 
Von  ihrer  Schonheit,  ihrem  tiefen  Leid, 
Gewannen  ihr  die  Herzen,  und  man  sprach 
Von  Siegfrids  Ungliick  nur  und  ihrem  Gram, 
Und  eine  Mordthat  schalt  man  uns're  Rache.1 

125.    Brunhild. 

Denn  wann  sie  in  den  langen  schwarzen  Schleiern, 
Mit  Trauer  prahlend,  auf  dem  Altan  stand, 
Den  Knaben  in  dem  Arm,  so  gaff  ten  sie 
Und  sprachen :     Seht  doch  Siegfrids  lieben  Knaben ! 
Das  arme  Kind  ?    Wie  gleicht  er  schon  dem  Vater ! 
Gott  schtitz'  ihn  nur  vor  seiner  Feinde  Hass  1 

2967-2969.     Kriemhild. 

1st  von  Menschen 


1  Cf.  Nl.  994,  1000  ff.,  1067  f. 


„  120 

Dem  edlen  Siegfried  Einer  nachgestorben  ? 

Nicht  einmal  ich,  doch  wohl  sein  treuer  Hund. 
Raupach  III.  iv.  in  f.    Siegfried. 

Derm  Thiere  lieben  auch. 
Hagen. 

Und  ihre  Lieb' 

1st  ohne  Wechsel,  ohne  Grenzen  treu. 
Siegfried. 

Du  redest  wahr:  die  treue  Dogge  legt 

Sich  auf  das  Grab  des  Herrn,  und  alle  Nahrung 

Verschmahend  stirbt  sie  dem  Geliebten  nach. 

Was  konnte  mehr  der  Mensch? 
Hagen. 

Nicht  mehr,  doch  diess. 
2974-2977.     Kriemhild. 

unter  Menschen 

Erging's  mir  wohl  zu  schlecht,  als  dass  ich  nicht 

Versuchen  sollte,  ob  der  wilde  Wald 

Nicht  bess're  Arten  birgt. 
2990-2992. 

Auch  kann  sie  l  mit  der  Zunge,  die  sie  braucht, 

Um  ihren  Feind  zu  todten,  ihm  nicht  schworen, 

Dass  sie  ihn  kiissen  will. 
2996  f. 

Zu  ihnen  hatt'  ich,  meinen  Sohn  im  Arm, 

Mich  fliichten  sollen. 
Raupach  II.  vii.  91.     Gunther. 

Wer  baute  nicht  beim  wilden  Thier  sich  an, 

War  solch  ein  Mann  nicht  sicher  mehr  bei  Menschen  ? 
3011  f.    Ute. 

Man  wird  ihm  auch  am  Rhein  das  Fluchen  lehren, 

Denn  Siegfrieds  Vater  hat  das  Recht  dazu. 
Raupach  IV.  i.  125.    Hagen. 

Sie  sollt'  an  Siegmunds  Hofe 

Nicht  Feindschaft  spinnen  gegen  meinen  Konig; 

Das  Mitleid  nicht  durch  Klagen  und  durch  Thranen 

Zum  Bundsgenossen  ihres  Hasses  werben ; 

Den  Knaben  nicht  mit  seinem  Abendsegen 

Auch  Rachgedanken  lehren  wider  uns. 
3087-3091.    Kriemhild. 

Denn  man  misst 

Die  Todten  nach  dem  Schmerz  der  Lebenden, 

Und  wenn  die  Wittwe  freit,  so  denkt  die  Welt: 

Sie  ist  das  letzte  unter  alien  Weibern, 

1  die  Schlange. 


121 

Oder  sie  hat  den  letzten  Mann  gehabt. 
Raupach  III.  ii.  104.    Siegfried. 

Und  Du,  das  weiss  ich  und  das  nehm'  ich  mit, 
Dass  Du  nicht  mein  Gedachtniss  schmahen  wirst, 
Nicht  Schande  laden  auf  des  Kindes  Haupt, 
Und,  wenn  auch  Jung,  dem  Zweiten  Dich  vermahlen. 
Chriemhild. 

Verwerfe  Gott  mich,  wenn  ich's  jemals  thue ! 
3151-3155.     Kriemhild. 

Wenn  Du  die  Krone  und  den  Purpur  nicht 
Zum  blossen  Staat  mehr  tragst  und  Schwert  und  Scepter 
Zum  Spott  — 
Gunther. 

Du  redest  scharf. 
Kriemhild. 

Das  wollt'  ich  nicht! 

Doch  wenn's  so  ist,  und  wenn  auf  Deine  Kronung 
Die  Thronbesteigung  endlich  folgen  soil  — 
Raupach  II.  vii.  89.    Brunhild. 

O  edler  Degen !     Gunther  tragt  die  Krone, 
Doch  Du  fiir  ihn  das  konigliche  Herz. 

III.  iii.  108.     Brunhild. 

Reut's  dich,  feiger  Konig, 
Dass  einmal  Du  gedacht  hast  wie  ein  Mann? 
3238-3240.     Riideger. 

der  kein  einz'ges  Scepter 
In  Konigs-Handen  unzerbrochen  liess, 
Als  das  der  Nibelungen. 

This  is  perhaps  suggested  by  the  fear  of  Etzel  expressed  in 
the  "Nibelungen-Hort "  :  — 

Raupach  II.  ii.  63.     Gunther. 

In  dieser  Zeit, 
***** 

Wo  taglich  drohender  fiir  uns  im  Osten 

Die  Macht  des  wilden  Hunnenkonigs  wachst? 

IV.  i.  126.     Gunther. 

Der  allgewalt'ge  Hunnenkonig  Etzel  — 
Hagen. 

Er  steht  am  Donaustrom  mit  macht'gem  Heer. 

128.    Gunther. 

Wie  thoricht  war's,  aus  Furcht  vor  Ungewissem 
Den  sichem  Zorn  des  Macht' gen  zu  erregen, 
Dess  Waffen  alles  Land  von  Sonnenaufgang 
Bis  an  die  Grenzen  unsers  Reichs  bezwungen? 


122 

3257-     Kriemhild. 

Verstell'  Dich  nicht !    Du  weisst,  wie  Siegfried  starb. 
3260.    Rudeger. 

Und  wenn  ich's  weiss? 
Raupach  IV.  vi.  147.     Chriemhild. 

Hast  Du  vernommen,  welch  unsaglich  Weh 

Die  eig'nen  Blutsverwandten  mir  bereitet? 
Etzel. 

Ja,  alles  hat  man  wahrhaft  mir  berichtet. 
3798.    Werbel. 

Dem  Hornissschwarm  erlag  schon  mancher  Leu ! 

4iS3-4iS5»  cf-  Page  76- 
Raupach  II.  iii.  64.     Brunhild. 

Doch  leichter  ist  es,  Lowen  auszuweichen, 

Als  Scorpionen,  die  im  Dunkel  schleichen. 
3800  f.    Werbel. 

Auch  in  der  Wiiste  ehren 

Wir  einen  Gast. 
4725.    Etzel. 

Was  soil  noch  heilig  sein,  wenn  nicht  der  Gast? 

4775  *• 

nur  mussen  sie 

In  vollem  Frieden  erst  geschieden  sein. 
4786. 

Wie  ich  die  Pflichten  eines  Wirthes  kenne. 
Raupach  V.  ii.  156  f.     Dietrich. 

Hier  sind  sie  Gaste, 

Und  ein  geheiligt  Recht  beschiitzt  den  Gast. 
Etzel. 

Sie  waren  meine  Gaste  hier  im  Zelt, 
Und  ungefahrdet  haben  sie's  verlassen. 
Das  Lager  aber  ist  nicht  meine  Burg; 
Der  Boden,  der  es  tragt,  ist  Gunther's  Reich, 
Der  allgemeine  Himmel  ist  die  Decke. 
iii.  161.    Volker. 

Lasst  sie  zuerst  das  heil'ge  Gastrecht  schanden. 
3803-3805.     Kriemhild. 

Hier  wird  Konig  Gunther  frei, 
Und  wenn  sich  in  Burgund  der  Henker  finder, 
So  brauche  ich  die  Heun'schen  Racher  nicht. 
Raupach  V.  ii.  157.    Blodel. 

Hier  wird  der  Konig 

Aus  Furcht  bewill'gen,  was  Frau  Chriemhild  fordert 
4477  *•    Hagen. 

Vergiss  Dich  selbst  und  Deinen  Theil  nicht  ganz! 
Du  tragst  die  grosste  Schuld. 


123 

4501-4504-    Hagen. 

Doch  Deine  Hand  hat  mir  ihn1  dargereicht, 
D'rum  biisse  selbst,  wenn  hier  zu  biissen  ist. 
Kriemhild. 

Und  buss'  ich  nicht?    Was  konnte  Dir  gescheh'n, 
Das  auch  nur  halb  an  meine  Qualen  reichte? 

Raupach  IV.  ii.  131  f.     Giinther. 

Nicht  mich,  nicht  And're,  Dich  allein  verklage. 
Dein  frech  erfinderischer  Geist,  die  Zunge, 
Die  frecher  noch  laut  zu  verkiinden  wagte, 
Was  still  zu  denken  schon  Verbrechen  war. 

4653-4655.     Kriemhild. 

Die  blutigen  Kometen  sind  am  Himmel 
Anstatt  der  frommen  Sterne  aufgezogen 
Und  blitzen  dunkel  in  die  Welt  hinein. 

Raupach  IV.  iv.  141.     Chriemhild. 

Feuerzeichen  —  O !  gewohn'  Dich  d'ran 

Du  wirst  den  Himmel  ganz  in  Flammen  seh'n. — 

"  Kriemhild's  Rache,"  IV.   xiv.,   Etzel's  description  of  his 
terror-bringing  campaigns  and  of  his  furious  war  steed  recalls :  — 

Raupach  IV.  vi.  146.    Etzel. 

Ha !  zu  des  Aufgangs  Volkern 

Hab'  ich  gesagt,  beugt  Euch  vor  meinen  Knechten! 

Sie  haben  sich  gebeugt;   befohlen  hab'  ich 

Des  Westens  Landen:   nahrt  mein  Lieblingsross 

Mit  Eurem  Mark;  sie  haben  es  genahrt. 
4792  f.    Etzel. 

Ich  bringe  Dir  fiir  jeden  Becher  Wein, 

Den  sie  hier  trinken,  eine  Kanne  Blut. 
Raupach  IV.  vi.  148.    Etzel. 

Fiir  jede  Thrane,  die  dem  Aug'  entrann, 

Zahlt  Dir  ein  Blutstrom  aus  der  Feinde  Herzen. 
Raupach  V.  xi.  182.     Chriemhild. 

Fiir  blut'ge  Thranen  Blut — das  ist  gerecht. 
4794.    Etzel. 

Wenn  ich  auch  jetzt  die  Mticken  fiir  sie  klatsche. 
Raupach  II.  vi.  83.     Siegfrid. 

Bist  Du  bezahlt,  die  Miicken  mir  zu  wehren  ? 
4929-4931.     Kriemhild. 

Es  ist  ja  Einer  da, 

Der  alle  Andern  zum  Verstummen  bringt. 

So  spielt  denn  auf,  Herr  Volker! 

1  den  Todesspeer. 


124 

Raupach  V.  i.  153.    Blodel. 

Ja,  sing'  ein  Lied, 
Mein  wackrer  Spielmann !    Sing'  ein  frohlich  Lied ! 

4966-4977.    Etzel. 

Jetzt  seid  Ihr  aus  dem  Frieden 
Der  Welt  gesetzt  und  habt  zugleich  die  Rechte 
Des  Kriegs  verwirkt !     Wie  ich  aus  meiner  Wiiste 
Hervorbrach,  unbekannt  mit  Brauch  und  Sitte, 
Wie  Feuer  und  Wasser,  die  vor  weissen  Fahnen 
Nicht  stehen  bleiben  und  gefalt'ne  Hande 
Nicht  achten,  rach'  ich  meinen  Sohn  an  Euch 
Und  auch  mein  Weib.     Ihr  werdet  diesen  Saal 
Nicht  mehr  verlassen,  Ihr,  Herr  Dieterich, 
Biirgt  mir  dafiir,  doch  was  den  Heunenkonig 
Auf  dieser  Erde  einst  so  furchtbar  machte, 
Das  sollt  Ihr  seh'n  in  seinem  engen  Raum ! 

Raupach  V.  viii.  172  f.    Etzel  (of  Blodel) 

Der  Du  mir  theurer,  als  die  Konigreiche 

Zu  meinen  Fiissen  warst,  Du  bist  dahin, 

Doch  rachen  will  ich  Dich,  mit  Schwert  und  Flammen 

Ein  Grabmal  Dir  erbau'n,  wie  keines  noch 

Gesehen  worden  zwischen  Meer  und  Meer. 

(Zu  seinem  Gefolge.) 
Geht,  saget  Iring,  die  Burgundenritter 
Soil  er  zu  Boden  schlagen  —  keiner  lebe ! 
Ihr,  Dietrich,  Rudeger,  ersturmt  den  Thurm, 
Und  wiirget  d'rin,  so  lang*  ein  Odem  rauscht. 
Blut  ist  der  Zins,  den  heut  ich  von  Euch  fordre. 

5075  f.     Kriemhild. 

Und  bin  ich  fiir  des  Mitleids  Stimme  taub? 
Sie  waren's,  als  sogar  der  Stein  zerschmolz. 

Raupach  IV.  i.  121.    Brunhild. 

Ja,  eher  findest  Du  im  rauhen  Felsen 
Ein  fiihlend  Herz,  als  in  der  Eisenbrust. 

5101-5103.    Etzel. 

Stamm  um  Stamm! 

Sie  haben  meinen  ausgeloscht,  sie  sollen 
Auch  selbst  nicht  fortbesteh'n. 

Raupach  V.  xii.  184.    Dietrich.  O  schreckenvolle  Nacht! 

Zwei  glanz-  und  machtbegabte  Konigshauser 
Hast  Du  verschlungen  in  die  Finsterniss. 

5323  f.    Kriemhild. 

statt  den  Dolch  zu  rauben  und  zu  todten, 
Gleichviel,  ob  mich,  ob  ihn,  sein  Bett  beschritt. 

Raupach  IV  vi.  146.    Chriemhild. 

Was  schiitzt  Dich  vor  der  Tischgenossin  Gifte  ? 
Was  schiitzt  Dich  vor  der  Bettgenossin  Dolch? 


125 

53°8~5310-     Riideger  (begging  to  be  released  from  his  oath,  urges  his 
willingness  to  relinquish  all  his  possessions). 

Und,  wie  ein  Greis,  den  die  gewalt'ge  Zeit 
Von  seinem  Schwerte  schied,  in  roller  Kraft 
An  einem  Bettelstab  die  Welt  durchzieh'n. 

Raupach  IV.  ii.  134.     Chriemhild  (begging  to  be  spared  a  second  mar- 
riage). 

Ich  will  Euch  alles  lassen, 
Was  mir  geblieben  ist ;  ich  will  verschwinden, 
Bei  fremden  Menschen  mich  als  Magd  verdingen, 
Und  wenn's  dem  koniglich  gewohnten  Leibe 
An  Kraft  zum  harten  Tagewerk  gebricht, 
Mein  Brot  erbetteln  an  den  Kirchenpforten.1 

5442.     Kriemhild. 

Das  war'  ein  Hohn  auf  dieses  Weltgericht ! 

Raupach  V.  xii.  184.     Dietrich. 

ein  irdisch  Weltgericht. 

5456.     Dietrich. 

Im  Namen  dessen,  der  am  Kreuz  erblich ! 

Raupach  V.  xii.  184.     Dietrich. 

Er,  der  des  Lebens  ew'ge  Kette  flicht, 
Hat  hier  gehegt  ein  irdisch  Weltgericht. 
Riidiger. 

Und  hat  ein  schweres  Joch  von  uns  genommen, 
Und  eine  bess're  Zeit  wird  leuchtend  kommen, 
Wie  dort  der  Morgen  durch  die  Wolken  bricht. 
Dietrich. 

Der  Erde  langes  Ungliick  ist  gerochen : 
Die  Volkergeissel  hat  der  Herr  zerbrochen; 
Erbarmend  hat  er  unser  Volk  befreit 
Von  wilder  Horden  schnoder  Dienstbarkeit, 
Erlost  vom  finstern  Heidenthum  die  Erde: 
Nun  lasst  uns  handeln,  dass  es  besser  werde. 

These  are  the  principal  places  where  a  similarity  of  idea, 
motive,  or  language  seems  worthy  of  mention.  But  it  is  no- 
ticeable throughout  Raupach's  play  that  he  emphasizes  the 
contrast  between  Christianity  and  heathendom,  however 
superficially.  The  veneer  of  Christianity  which  we  find  ap- 
plied in  the  Nibelungenlied  is  more  thickly  distributed  in  the 
"Nibelungen-Hort,"  but  is  quite  as  apparently  a  separate  and 

1  Cf.  Nl.  C.  2216. 


126 

distinct  addition.  With  Raupach,  it  is  a  purely  surface  antag- 
onism, without  real  influence  upon  the  characters.  There 
is  no  attempt  at  depicting  the  struggle  between  dying  heathen- 
dom and  conquering  Christianity,  no  attempt  at  a  deep  psy- 
chological study  of  the  two  beliefs  in  their  effect  upon  their 
representatives;  simply  a  cheap  use  of  the  words  Gott, 
Himmel,  heilige  Jungfrau,  an  artificial  reference  to  church  and 
creed,  an  affected  horror  of  the  "Christian  Burgundian" 
for  the  heathen  Gods,  and  of  the  heathen  Amazon  for  the 
Christian  beliefs  and  customs. 

Chriemhild  makes  a  vow  to  the  heilige  Jungfrau  to  serve 
Siegfried  should  he  conquer  the  dragon,1  and  in  begging  him 
not  to  accept  the  treasure,  she  warns  him :  — 

dieser  Hort 
1st  eitel  Heiden-,  eitel  Zaubergrau'l; 

and  anxiously  adds: — 

Du  bist  doch  auch  ein  Christ? 
to  which  Siegfried  satisfactorily  replies: — 

Ich  bin  ein  Christ.2 
Gunther,  upon  landing  at  Isenland,  piously  exclaims:  — 

Der  Himmel  schenk'  uns  ferner  Gluck  und  Htilfe, 
Wie  er  bis  jetzt  vor  Unfall  uns  bewahrt. 

and  Hagen  replies:  — 

Das  ist  ein  gut  Gebet :  der  Himmel  helfe ! s 

Brunhild's  women,  on  the  other  hand,  appeal  to  the 
heathen  Gods  for  protection  and  help:  — 

Die  grossen  Gotter  mb'gen  so  es  wenden ! 4 

Hagen,  as  he  joins  Brunhild  in  warning  Gunther  not  to  at- 
tempt to  win  her  love,  is  made  to  say : — 

Das  Herz  der  Konigin;   das  ist  kein  Boden 
Fur  unsers  Glaubens  milde  Saat.5 

1  Vors.  ii.  14.         2  Ibid.  iii.  20.         *  I.  i.  32.          *  I.  v.  43.         '  I.  viii.  54. 


127 

% 

In  her  anger  against  Chriemhild  for  her  greater  display  and 
popularity,  Brunhild  angrily  answers  Gunther's  question:  — 

Wie  kann  Dich  das  erzurnen? 

Was  denn  soil, 
Was — bei  den  grossen  Asen! — mich  erzurnen? 

to  which  Gunther  exclaims:  — 

Du  wagst  die  Heidengotter  noch  zu  nennen? 
and  admonishes  her:  — 

Du  solltest  fleissiger  zur  Messe  gehen.1 

After  the  quarrel  scene,  Gunther  tries  to  restore  peace  by 
the  words:  — 

Lasst  ab  vom  Hader!  kommt  zum  heil'gen  Amte, 
Und  betet  drinnen  um  ein  friedlich  Herz. 

to  which  Brunhild  makes  angry  reply:  — 

Ich  will  nicht  mehr  zu  Euern  Gottern  beten.2 
Dankwart  advises  Gunther  to  believe  Siegfried's  oath:  — 

Wenn  ihn  Herr  Siegfrid  an  geweihtem  Orte 
Noch  einmal  schworet  auf  das  Sacrament.3 

Chriemhild,  after  intrusting  to  Hagen  the  secret  of  Siegfried's 
vulnerability,  bids  him  a  pious  farewell  with  the  words: — 

Der  gute  Fiihrer  Gott,  geleite  Dich ! 4 

Siegfried,  with  equal  piety,  in  answer  to  Chriemhild's  fears 
for  his  safety  when  he  takes  leave  of  her,  expresses  his  readiness 
for  death :  — 

Wenn  aber  Gott  nach  Hause  ruft  und  spricht: 

Du  hast  genug  gespielt  in  meinem  Garten; 

Soil  ich  dann  greinen  wie  ein  bb'ser  Bube? 

Du  bist  ein  christlich  Weib,  sprich !   soil  ich  das  ? 5 

His  dying  regret  is  expressed  in  the  words: — 

O  hatt'  ich  nie  den  bosen  Hort  gewonnen, 
Die  Zauberkappe  nie !   so  hatt'  ich  nicht 

1 II.  i.  59.       2 II.  vi.  84.  3  II.  vii.  88.          « III.  i.  97.          5  III.  ii.  103. 


128 

Den  Giftschwamm  Deines  heidnisch  bosen  Herzens 
Getragen  in  ein  christlich  reines  Haus.1 

Etzel's  oath  of  vengeance  to  Chriemhild  is:  — 

Beim  weissen  Gott,  dem  Geber  alles  Guten ! 
Beim  schwarzen  Gott,  dem  Stifter  alles  Unheils, 
Und  bei  des  Himmels  Geissel,  meinem  Schwerte!2 

At  the  wedding  feast  of  Etzel  and  Chriemhild,  Brunhild  scorn- 
fully hopes  that  Chriemhild's  future  sons  will  reconcile  her 
with  heathendom.3 

Gunther  calls  upon  God  in  his  submission  to  the  inevitable; 
to  Etzel  he  says:  — 

Der  droben,  der  ein  grossrer  Konig  ist, 
Als  ich  und  Du,  hat  zwischen  uns  gerichtet; 
Und  wer  darf  murren  wider  seinen  Spruch  ? 

and  to  his  sister:  — 

Du  schienst  so  gut,  die  Holle  schlief  in  Dir.4 

The  final  scene  closes  with  Dietrich's  expression  of  belief  in 
the  working  of  a  higher  might,  and  of  thankfulness  that  the 
earth  is  released  from  heathendom. 

In  a  letter  to  Franz  von  Dingelstedt,  March  31,  1860,  Hebbel 
speaks  of  the  great  mistake  "of  representing  the  mighty  Die- 
trich as  a  dummy  for  whom  a  few  pencil-strokes  suffice,  and 
yet  intrusting  him  at  the  end  with  the  sword  of  fate."  5  Rau- 
pach  has  raised  him  only  at  the  very  end  above  his  fellows, 
without  giving  any  reason  for  so  doing ;  Hebbel  insists  through- 
out "Kriemhilds  Rache"  upon  Dietrich's  superiority  and 
supremacy.  However  much  Hebbel  excelled  his  predeces- 
sor in  depicting  the  opposed  forces  of  Christianity  and  hea- 
thendom, it  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  the  idea  of  representing 
the  contrast  came  from  a  knowledge  of  Raupach's  method, 
which  suggested  to  him  a  mode  of  treatment  fully  in  accord 
with  his  own  pronounced  tendency  to  psychological  specu- 
lation. 

1  III.  v.  115.         2 IV.  vi.  149.         *  V.  i.  152.        «  V.  x.  178.         5  Bw.  II.  60. 


129 


2.     FOUQUE 

Friedrich  Baron  de  la  Motte  Fouque*  was  the  first  modern 
poet  to  make  use  of  the  Norse  sources  of  the  Nibelungensaga. 
"Sigurd  der  Schlangentodter,  Ein  Heldenspiel  in  sechs  Aben- 
teuem,"  the  first  part  of  his  trilogy,  "Der  Held  des  Nordens," 
appeared  in  1808;  while  the  two  additional  portions,  "Sigurd's 
Rache,  Ein  Heldenspiel  in  sechs  Abenteuern,"  and  "Aslauga, 
Ein  Heldenspiel  in  drei  Abenteuern,"  appeared,  together  with 
the  first  part,  in  1810,  and  the  first  three  volumes  of  the 
selected  edition  of  his  works,  published  in  1841,  are  devoted 
to  the  trilogy. 

In  his  twelfth  year,  Fouque*  first  felt  the  charm  of  the  Norse 
saga- world  through  Denis's  translations,  and  from  that  time  he 
dreamed  of  the  work  which  he  at  last  composed  in  the  form  of 
a  trilogy.  Meantime,  he  had  written  a  dramatic  scene,  "Sieg- 
fried in  der  Schmiede,"  1  for  which  he  drew  his  material  from 
the  copy  of  the  "gehornter  Siegfried  im  Heldenbuchsreime  in 
8°  sine  anno, "  owned  by  von  der  Hagen.  The  Nibelungenlied 
was  not  without  influence  upon  the  young  poet,  but  it  was  the 
Norse  literature  which  finally  impelled  him  to  serious  creative 
activity. 

At  the  instigation  of  August  Wilhelm  Schlegel  he  began  to> 
study  Icelandic,  Danish,  and  Swedish,  and  as  the  concluding 
word  to  his  collected  works,  Fouqu6  describes  the  effect  pro- 
duced upon  him  by  the  study  of  the  Icelandic  literature,  and 
tells  his  own  intentions  in  his  work  of  production,  as  well  as 
the  sources  which  he  employed.  "From  the  contemplation 
of  those  majestic  northern  lights,  such  as  the  study  of  the  Ice- 
landic language  disclosed  to  me,  and  at  the  same  time  from, 
the  acquaintance  with  the  Danish  and  Swedish  idiom, — one 
might  compare  both  to  the  magic  gold-maidens  who,  according 
to  Homer,  accompany  Hephestus,  the  magic  artist  rich  in  old. 
secrets,  for  in  like  manner  do  they  introduce  to  us  that  primi- 
tive, powerful  Edda  language  which  has  only  become  clumsy 
for  moderns,  —  from  a  contemplation  which  at  the  same  time 

1  Friedrich  Schlegels  Europa,  1803. 


130 

offers  and  solves  enigmas,  there  arose  within  me  such  a  deep 
reverence  that  the  fantastic  jugglery  of  personal  invention 
was  no  longer  to  be  thought  of.  To  reproduce  the  portion  of 
the  old,  wondrous  days  which  had  fallen  to  my  share,  that 
was,  in  respect  to  Siegfried  —  Norse  Sigurd  —  my  principal, 
indeed  I  may  say,  my  whole,  my  only  endeavor.  It  may  be 
that  as  yet  scarcely  a  poet  of  modern  times  has  felt  so  keenly 
from  his  own  experience  what  the  old  Greeks  had  in  mind 
with  the  'even-civ,'  the  ' Hereinsingen '  of  the  apostrophized 
muse ;  more  keenly,  certainly  not  one !  —  If  at  that  time  I  had 
seen  the  second  part  of  Saemund's  Edda,  containing  the  old, 
old  song  dialogues  between  Sigurd  and  Brynhildur  and  simi- 
lar material,  I  should  probably  scarcely  have  dared  to  con- 
struct my  version  in  the  transmitted  portions  otherwise  than 
as  pure  translation.  But  it  may  even  be  just  as  well  now  as  it 
has  turned  out.  Not  until  years  after  the  completion  of  his 
three  Sigurd  poems,  could  their  singer  gain  a  knowledge  of 
those  primitive  songs.  Earlier  than  this,  he  could  only  glean 
from  the  Edda  of  Snorri  Sturleson,  the  Nornagest-Saga,  the 
Volsunga-Saga,  and  some  information  from  friendly  anti- 
quarians." * 

The  object  of  Fouque^s  trilogy,  or  heroic  plays,  as  he  chose 
to  call  them,  was  to  represent  Sigurd's  "life,  death,  revenge, 
and  race"  in  alliterative  metrical  forms  as  nearly  like  those 
of  the  old  Norse  poetry  as  would  suit  his  age  and  language. 

The  first  play  begins  with  the  forging  of  Sigurd's  sword  from 
the  shards  of  his  father  Siegmund's  weapon,2  and  ends  with 
the  burning  of  the  bodies  of  Brynhildur  and  Sigurd  upon  the 
same  funeral  pyre.3  In  the  main,  Fouque  follows  the  account 
in  the  Volsungasaga  with  far  too  great  fidelity  for  dramatic 
strength,  and  where  his  own  hand  is  visible  it  is  in  enlargement 
or  character  delineation  which  neither  enlightens  nor  helps 
to  motivate.  As  past  occurrences,  he  refers  to  the  saga  account 
of  Siegmund's  sword- winning,4  to  Sigurd's  choosing  of  a  horse,5 
and  as  an  event  which  has  occurred  after  the  smithying  of  the 
sword,  to  Sigurd's  vengeance  upon  his  father's  slayers.'  He 

1  XII.  122  ff.  *  Ibid.  31.  5  Ibid.  13. 

2  Vs.  15.  «  Ibid.  3.  "  Ibid.  17. 


131 

combines  the  two  accounts  of  Brynhildur's  homes  with  little 
less  confusion  than  occurs  in  the  Volsungasaga,  making  Sigurd 
first  visit  her  in  her  flame-surrounded  fortress,  and  later  in 
the  castle  of  her  brother-in-law  Heimer.1  The  Volsungasaga 
also  furnishes  the  material  for  the  magic  drink  and  the  mar- 
riage of  Sigurd  with  Gudruna,2  for  Sigurd's  winning  of  Bryn- 
hildur  in  Gunnar's  form,3  as  well  as  for  the  quarrel  at  the 
river,4  Sigurd's  death  at  Gutthorm's  hand,5  and  Brynhildur's 
lament,  prophecy,  death  by  her  own  hand,  and  burning  upon 
Sigurd's  pyre.8 

The  second  part  of  the  trilogy  carries  the  story  from  Gu- 
druna's  castle  in  the  woods,7  to  Atli's  vengeance  on  the  Giuk- 
ings,  and  his  death  at  the  hands  of  Niflung  and  Gudruna.8 
Gunnar,  Hogne,  and  Grimhildur  find  Gudruna  in  her  lonely 
castle,  and  by  means  of  the  drink  of  forgetfulness  persuade 
her  to  marry  Atli.9  Fouque*  motivates  Gunnar's  desire  to 
wed  Gudruna  to  Atli  by  the  fear  that  Atli  will  wreak  vengeance 
upon  them  for  his  sister  Brynhildur's  early  death. 

The  first  "Adventure"  contains  an  incident  not  found  in 
the  Volsungasaga,  the  accusation  against  Dietrich  and  Gu- 
druna by  Herke,  Atli's  mistress,  and  Gudruna's  justification 
through  the  test  of  boiling  water.10  The  poet  ascribes  to  the 
ensuing  reconciliation  between  Atli  and  Gudruna  the  immediate 
cause  of  his  invitation  to  Gudruna's  brothers.  The  sending 
of  the  messengers,  Gudruna's  attempt  to  warn  her  brothers, 
the  evil  dreams  of  the  wives  of  Gunnar  and  Hogne,  the  hostile 
appearance  of  Atli's  fortress,  and  the  slaying  of  the  false  mes- 
senger, all  follow  the  saga." 

Fouque*  materially  enlarges  upon  the  details  of  the  combat 
and  Gudruna's  part  hi  it,  as  well  as  upon  the  incident  with 
the  children  of  Atli  and  Gudruna,  to  whom  he  gives  the  names 
Ortlieb  12  and  Asmund.13  Fouque*  also  gives  to  Hogne's  son, 
Niflung,  a  large  part  in  the  battle;  from  the  saga  he  adapts 

1  Vs.  20,  23.      2  Ibid.  26.      3  Ibid.  27.      *  Ibid.  28.     *  Ibid.  30.      «  Ibid.  31. 

7  Cf.  Vs.  32,  where  Gudrun  wanders  through  the  woods,  but  finally  goes  to 
Denmark,  where  she  remains  for  three  and  a  half  years  with  Thora,  Hakon's 
daughter. 

8  Vs.  38.  10  GJr.  III.  »  Nl.  XXIII.  1328. 

9  Cf.  Ibid.  32.  u  Ibid.  33-35.  1S  Vs.  38. 


132 

Niflung's  share  in  the  murder  of  Atli  *  and  Gudruna's  attempt 
to  kill  herself  by  drowning.2 

The  third  play  of  the  trilogy  contains  the  story  of  Aslauga, 
the  daughter  of  Brynhildur  and  Sigurd,  whom  the  author  of 
the  Volsungasaga  probably  invented  to  glorify  the  house  of 
King  Ragnar  Lodbrok.3  Fouqu£  follows  closely  the  Rag- 
narssaga  through  its  first  eight  chapters,  and  omits  the  con- 
tents of  the  remaining  thirteen.4  From  the  very  nature  of  its 
material,  it  bears  no  relation  to  Hebbel's  play,  unless  in  the 
one  possible  case  of  Aslauga's  connection  with  the  ravens. 

Hebbel's  only  critical  mention  of  Fouque"'s  work  is  in  his 
review  of  GeibePs  "  Brunhild." 5  In  discussing  the  possi- 
bility of  a  dramatization  of  the  Nibelungen  saga,  he  compares 
Fouque"'s  real  poetical  talent  with  Raupach's  undeniable  theat- 
rical genius,  and  points  out  in  a  few  words  Fouque"'s  chief 
faults.  While  the  trilogy  is  not  lacking  in  single  character- 
istic features,  it  suffers  from  "  that  studied  dignity  which  is 
quite  as  unvarying  as  it  is  unbearable,  and  impedes  the  cir- 
culation of  the  blood,  so  that  the  people  fall  dead  as  on  the 
high  Alps;  he  depicts  creatures  who  are  no  longer  akin  to  us, 
because  they,  like  the  dwellers  on  the  moon,  if  it  had  any, 
can  live  without  air  or  water.  .  .  .  Fouque  does  not  moti- 
vate at  all,  he  presents  his  heroes  like  mathematical  quanti- 
ties, and  when  they  regard  death  as  the  chief  joke  of  existence, 
and  sing  battle  songs  while  hi  the  serpent's  den,  and  already 
attacked  by  the  reptiles,  we  are  as  little  surprised  as  by  a  new 
assertion  of  the  familiar  proposition  that  twice  two  are  four, 
but  we  are  also  quite  as  little  touched  and  moved."  Fouque"'s 
poem  has  certain  lyric  features  of  the  best  romantic  poetry, 
but  it  lacks  all  the  qualities  which  are  constituent  parts  of 
every  true  drama:  life,  conciseness,  motivation,  and  a  sym- 

1  Vs.  38.  *  Vs.  39.  8  Cf.  Vs.  27;  Sk.  7. 

4  The  earlier  editors  published  the  Volsungasaga  and  Ragnarssaga  together 
so  that  Fouque  undoubtedly  read  this  continuation  of  the  story,  although  he 
does  not  distinctly  mention  it.  The  first  edition  was  by  Bjorner,  "  Nordiska 
Kampadater,"  Stockholm,  1737,  XI.  and  XII.;  von  der  Hagen's  edition,  which 
is  based  on  Bjorner's  text,  was  not  published  until  Fouque  had  completed 
his  trilogy. 

6  W.  XII.  164  f. 


133 

pathetic  nearness  to  the  reading  and  hearing  public.  To  the 
modern  reader,  Fouque*'s  trilogy,  with  its  slavish  adaptation 
of  material  and  metre,  and  its  extensive  compass,  is  much  more 
tiresome  than  Raupach's  once  successful  piece  of  theatrical 
machinery. 

In  citing  Hebbel's  possible  borrowings  from  Fouque*'s  play, 
several  passages  are  referred  to  which  have  already  been  quoted 
under  his  use  of  Norse  material.  Occasionally,  it  is  difficult 
to  tell  from  which  source  Hebbel  directly  took  the  suggestion, 
but  where  the  material  is  not  contained  in  the  Eddas,  it  seems 
probable  that  he  drew  from  Fouque,  since  we  find  no  reference 
to  his  knowledge  of  the  Volsungasaga. 

Vorspiel  iii.  describes  the  throwing  contest  between  Sieg- 
fried and  the  Burgundians  at  his  first  appearance  among  them. 
Fouque'  likewise  depicts  a  contest  between  Sigurd,  Gunnar,  and 
Hogne  immediately  following  Sigurd's  arrival  at  Giuke's  court. 

355-359.     Ute  (watching  the  contest). 

Nicht  weiter? 
Kriemhild. 

(ndhcrt  sich). 

Hast  Du  ihn  zu  friih  gelobt? 
Ute. 

Das  ist  ja  nur  Ein  Schuh ! 
Kriemhild  (tritt  hinter  Ute). 

Noch  immer  mehr, 
Als  war'  es  nur  Ein  Zoll.  .  .  . 
Ute. 

Um  Einen  Schuh 
Dies  Kind  zu  iiberwerfen  — 
Kriemhild. 

Ist  nicht  viel ! 

Besonders,  wenn  man  sich  dabei  noch  spreizt. 
379-381.    Ute. 

Gerenot  ist  auch 
Besiegt,  wie  Giselher. 
Kriemhild. 

Es  macht  zwar  wieder 
Nur  Einen  Schuh ! 
391-396.     Kriemhild. 

Konig  Gunther  drangt 
Herrn  Dankwart  ungestiim  zuriick,  er  will 
Sich  selbst  versuchen. 


134 

Ute. 

Und  er  thut's  mit  Gliick. 
Zweimal  so  weit,  als  Gerenot. 
Kriemhild. 

Und  dennoch 

Nicht  weit  genug.    Du  siehst,  der  Recke  folgte 
Sogleich,  und  wieder  fehlt  der  Eine  Schuh. 
Fouqud  I.  99-1    Gunnar. 

Ein  Fechtmeister? 
Sigurd. 

Ja,  des  Fechtens  Meister. 
Gunnar. 

Ich  mogt's  versuchen. 
Hogne. 

Lass  mir  Junger'm  heut 
Den  Vortritt,  weil's  ein  blosses  Scherzen  gilt. 
Gunnar. 

Mein'twegen. 
Hogne  (einen  Stein  werjend). 

Thu'  mir's  nach,  du  fremder  Held. 
Sigurd  (lachend). 

Das  ?  (wirjt  einen  Stein.) 
Hogne. 

Weiter !    Wahrlich,  weiter  viel,  als  ich ! 
Sigurd  (zum  Gejolge). 

Mess'  Einer  nach,  wie  viel. 
Hogne. 

Der  ist  verhext. 

Im  Steinwurf  that'  ein  Mensch  es  mir  zuvor? 
Gunnar. 

Will  ihn  demiith'gen,  Bruder.     Gram'  dich  nicht. 
Ein  Diener  (zuruckkommend). 

Des  Fremden  Stein  liegt  um  zwei  Drittel  weiter, 
Als  der,  so  meines  Konigs  Sohn  versandt. 
360.     Kriemhild. 

Fiir  einen  solchen  Riesen. 
1536  f.,  cf.  page  71. 
Cf.  also  2165  ff.,  3581  ff. 

Fouque*  follows  the  Volsungasaga  in  emphasizing  the  greatness 
of  Sigurd's  stature :  — 

I.  93.    Bote. 

Mehr  hohen  Gottern,  als  den  Menschen  gleich. 

1  References  are  by  page  to  Fouque's  Ausgewahlte  Werke,  I.-III. 


135 

Gross  ist  er,  kopfshoch  grosser,  edler  Fiirst, 
Als  deine  So'hne. 
I.  94. 

Von  seiner  Hiifte  klirrt  ein  macht'ges  Schwerdt, 
Wohl  sieben  Spannen  lang,  doch  scheint's  an  ihm 
Nicht  eben  langer  als  'ne  andre  Wehr.1 

489  ff.,  cf.  page  60. 

1653  f.,  cf.  page  113. 

Fouque'  I.  141.     Brynhildur  (to  Sigurd). 

du  sei'st 

Gesprengt  durch  Hindarfiall's  hochgliih'nde  Flamme, 
Die  Wafurloga  heisst  bei  Zaubers-Kund'gen, 
Und  nur,  (es  lebt  ein  bannend  Wort  darin) 
Nur  einem  einz'gen  Helden  Durchzug  gonnt. 

541-543.  2884  f.,  cf.  page  62. 

Fouque",  like  Raupach,  departs  from  the  Volsungasaga  in  mak- 
ing both  brothers  their  father's  murderers :  — 

1.58- 

Hreidmar  nahm  Ring  und  Schatz, 
Hreidmar'n  schlugen  die  schlimmen  Kinder  todt. 
615  ff.,  cf.  page  62. 

Fouque'  also  emphasizes  Sigurd's  understanding  of  the  language 
of  birds:  — 

1.52. 

Ja,  aber  hier  ist  auch  das  Schwalbenpaar, 
Vor  alien  recht  vernehmlich  zu  mir  singend 
Ein  wunderliches  Lied.    Es  handelte 
Von  mir. 

Hebbel  seems  to  have  followed  Fouque*  in  making  the  birds 
prophesy  evil  to  him:  — 

1275  ff.,  2326  ff.,  2945  ff.,  cf.  page  69  f. 

Fouque'  I.  168. 

Mir  sagt  es  mein  Gemiith,  und  was  die  Vogel 
Hell  aus  den  Luften  sangen  in  mein  Ohr: 
Bald  ihres  Lebens  Band  zerbricht  der  Schmerz. 

Fouque*  connects  two  ravens  with  Aslauga,  Sigurd's  daughter, 
just  as  Hebbel  connects  the  ravens  with  Siegfried: — 

III.  112  f.    Ragnar. 

sagt  doch,  was  woll'n  die  beiden  Vogel, 

1  Vs.  22,  26;  cf.  Thidr.  162,  164,  166. 


136 

Die  wunderlichen,  lauschenden  Geschopfe, 
Dort  auf  des  Thurmes  altem  Sims? 
Harald. 

Die  lass 

Und  knupf  ein  All'n  erfreulich  Eheband. 
Ragnar. 

Sie  blicken  so  gar  hasslich  klug  herab, 
Und  lauern  auf  jedwedes  Wort  von  mir. 
Jagt  die  erst  fort. 

(man  wirft  mit  Steinen  nach  den  beiden  Vogeln.    Sie  fiiegen  etwas  koher 
auf,  und  bleiben  ivieder  sitzen.) 
Ragnar. 

Zudringliches  Geschmeiss ! 
Was  so  ein  Thier  sich  zu  verwundern  hat, 
Und  d'rein  zu  schau'n  in  Alles,  was  man  thut. 
Cf.  Fouqud  III.  115. 

124.    Aslauga. 

Kein  Mensch  hat  mir  den  Vorgang  angesagt. 
Sah'st  Du  nicht  meine  Vogel  ?    Nah'  bei  Euch 
Auf  eines  Thurm's  Gesimse  lau'rten  sie; 
Die  kundeten  den  ganzen  Handel  mir. 
755-766.    Frigga. 

Wie  ging  es  zu, 

Das  wir  uns  diesen  Morgen,  statt  im  Bett, 
Unausgekleidet  auf  den  Stuhlen  fanden, 
Die  Za'hne  klappernd  und  die  Lippen  blau? 
Brunhild. 

Wir  mtissen  plotzlich  eingeschlafen  sein. 
Frigga. 

1st  das  uns  schon  begegnet? 
Brunhild. 

Nie  zuvor. 
Frigga. 

Nun  denn !    Der  Greis  war  hier  und  wollte  reden ! 
Mir  ist  sogar,  als  hatt'  ich  ihn  geseh'n, 
Wie  er  Dich  riittelte  und  mich  bedrohte, 
Dir  aber  ward  durch  einen  dicken  Schlaf 
Das  Ohr  verstopft,  wiel  Du  nicht  horen  solltest, 
Was  dir  beschieden  ist,  wenn  Du  beharrst. 
781  f.    Frigga. 

Vielleicht  steh'n  alle  Gotter  unsichtbar 
Um  Dich  herum. 

Fouque*  I.  61-63.  The  three  Noras,  Wurdur,  Werdandi,  and 
Skuld,  walk  about  the  sleeping  Brynhyldur  in  prophecy  before 
Sigurd  appears  and  awakens  her. 


137 

918-920,  cf.  page  68. 

Fouque*  I.  66  f.  Brynhildur  knows  Sigurd's  name,  origin,  and 
deeds  at  his  first  appearance,  and  in  reply  to  his  expressed 
astonishment,  says:  — 

Du  wiisstest  nicht,  dass  die  erhabne  Kunst 
Der  Weissagung,  und  sonst  die  Heimlichkeit 
In  Erd'  und  Himmel,  sie  die  stille  Bliithe 
Der  ganzen  Welt,  den  schonsten  Wohnort  sich 
Auf  dieser  ganzen  Welt  zu  suchen  pflegt? 
Ich  meine,  schoner  Frauen  klaren  Geist. 

I.  206  ff.     As  in  the  Edda  and  Volsungasaga,  Bryn- 
hildur prophesies  before  she  dies. 

1563-1568,  cf.  page  113. 
Fouque'  I.  157.     Gudruna. 

Den  Faffner  und  den  Reigen  traf  sein  Schwerdt, 

Ihr  wunderreiches  Erb'  gewann  er  sich. 
Brynhildur. 

Prahl'  nicht  mit  seinem  diistern  Haidezug; 

Denn  hoher  war,  ich  schwor's  bei  alien  Gottern ! 

Viel  hoher  war  des  kiihnen  Gunnar  That 

Als  er  durch  Wafurloga  zu  mir  ritt. 
1757.    Brunhild. 

Ich  ess'  nicht  mehr,  bis  Ihr  den  Spruch  vollzieht. 
1931-1935.    Volker. 

Ich  horte,  dass  die  Konigin 

In  Trauerkleidera  geht  und  Trank  und  Speise 

Verschmaht,  sogar  das  Wasser. 
2064-2066.     Kriemhild.  1st  es  wahr, 

Dass  sie  nicht  isst  und  trinkt? 
Hagen. 

Sie  fastet  immer 

Um  diese  Zeit.    Es  ist  die  Nornenwoche. 
2068.     Kriemhild. 

Es  sind  drei  Tage  schon ! 
Fouque*  I.  168.     Gudruna. 

Seit  dreien  Tagen  liegt  sie  stumm  und  Starr 

Im  Todesschlaf.1 

Cf.  Vs.  29:  "This  do  I  not  bring  to  pass,  to  waken  her,  nor 
to  speak  with  her,  and  many  days  did  she  drink  neither  mead 
nor  wine."  Gudrun  spake:  "  She  has  now  slept  seven  days." 

1  Cf.  also  162  ff. 


138 

1761,  ip37»  cf-  page  115- 
1772  f.     Brunhild. 

Frigga,  mein  Leben  oder  auch  das  seine  1 
Frigga. 

Das  seine,  Kind! 
Fouque"  I.  175.     Brynhildur. 

Einer  von  uns  Drei'n 
Muss  sterben :  du,  ich  oder  Sigurd ! 
182.     Gunnar. 

Nun  so  sterb'  ich  selbst. 
Hast  zwischen  Sigurd  oder  mir  die  Wahl. 

Vs.  29.  Brynhild.    "And  this  shall  be  the  death  of  Sigurd  or 
of  thee  or  of  me." 

2800-2814,  cf.  page  73. 
2818-2822.     Gunther. 

Das  mild'ste  Wort  entlockt  ihr  nie  ein  Lacheln, 
Und  hatt'  ich's  Volkers  frischem  Liedermund 
In  einer  gold'nen  Stunde  abgefangen, 
Das  harteste  noch  minder  eine  Thrane, 
Sie  kennt  den  Schmerz  und  auch  die  Lust  nicht  mehr. 
2824-2826. 

Stumpf  blickt  sie  d'rein,  als  war'  ihr  Blut  vergraben 
Und  warme  eines  Wurmes  kalt  Gedarm, 
Wie  man's  in  alten  Mahren  hort. 
3814-3819.    Werbel. 

Nun,  es  wird  gefliistert, 
Dass  sie  in  einem  Grabe  haus't. 
Kriemhild. 

Und  doch 
Nicht  todt? 
Werbel. 

Sie  hat  es  gleich  nach  Dir  bezogen, 
Fort  in  der  Nacht,  nach  Wochen  erst  entdeckt, 
Und  nicht  mehr  weg  zu  bringen. 

Sie  —  Brunhild  — 
Kriemhild. 

In  Siegfrieds  heil'ger  Ruhestatt? 
Werbel. 

So  ist's. 
3814-3819.     Ms.  H.     Werbel  (to  Kriemhild). 

Man  erzahlt  sich  so. 
Die  Konigin  ist  plotzlich  ohne  Sinne, 
Sie  hort  und  sieht  nicht  mehr  und  setzt  den  Becher, 
Aus  dem  sie  eben  trinkt,  nicht  wieder  ab, 


139 

Als  war*  er  ihr  am  Munde  festgewachsen, 
So  dass  die  Gaste  es  mit  Grausen  seh'n. 
Fouque'  I.  158.    Gudruna. 

Brynhildur !    Auf  ein  Wort !  —  Sie  achtet's  nicht  — 
O  Schwag'rin,  hor*  doch !    Mich  gereut  mein  Trotz  I  — 
Umsonst.     Mit  langsam  grossen  Schritten  fort 
Geht  sie  zur  Burg,  bleich,  wie  ein  zurnendes, 
Nicht  athmendes,  blutleeres  Nachtgespenst. 
162  f.    Gunnar. 

Festen,  starren  Schlafs 
Liegt  sie  noch  immer  fort. 

***** 

Hogne. 

Erst,  als  sie  tobte,  schrie,  selbst  wider  dich 
Die  Morderhand  erhob,  —  wie  war  dir  da  ? 
Gunnar. 

Besser,  als  jetzt.    Sie  lebte.    Nun  wie  todt 
Liegt  vor  mir  das  geliebte  Bildniss  — 
173.  Brynhildur  (to  Sigurd,  as  he  tries  to  pacify  her  anger, 

and  declares  his  unchanging  love  for  her). 
Glaubst  Du,  man  hort  dergleichen  Wort'  und  bleibt 
Ein  steinern  kaltes  Bild  auf  alten  Grabern? 
202. 

(Brynhildur  erhebt  ein  wUdes  Geldchter.) 
Gunnar. 

Was  lachst  du?  —  Lache  nicht !  —  Bitt'  dich,  halt'  ein; 
Von  draussen  jener  unheilschwang're  Laut, 
Und  hier  im  Zimmer  dein  verzerrtes  Antlitz ! 
Denn  Freude  nicht,  auch  Sieg  nicht  lacht  aus  dir; 
Nichts  weiss  von  deiner  tollen  Lustigkeit 
Das  Herz  in  deinem  Busen. 
206.     Gunnar. 

Was?    Bricht  das  grause  hohnische  Geton 
Durch  deine  bleichen  Lippen  wieder  vor?1 
4139  ff.,  cf.  page  76. 
Fouque*  II.  116.    Ortlieb.  Den  warfen  sie  alsbald 

In  die  grau'nvolle  SchlangenhohP  hinab. 
117.  Ja,  in  die  Schlangenhohle. 

Da  halt'  mal  das  Gewiirm  ein  gutes  Mahl. 
Sonst,  heisst  es,  war*  es  noch  verschmachtet  gar. 
Gudruna. 

Da,  wo  die  Molch',  und  Nattern  lauern  —  Er  1  — 

1  Cf.  Vs.  29,  30. 


140 

Asmund. 

Glaub's  nur;  ich  sah,  wie  man  hinab  ihn  stiess, 
Vernahm  tiefher  des  Drachenvolk's  Gezisch. 

Cf.  120. 

124  f.     Gunnar. 

Wie  klirrt  die  Angel  dumpf  im  Wiederhall! 

Eins-Zweimal !  Weithin  drohnt  die  alte  Gruft. 

Horch !  Und  die  alten  Schlangen  wachen  auf. 

Mit  tausendfacher  Regung  wirrt  sich's  los, 

In  Klumpen  scheuslich  erst,  nun  scheuslicher 

In  vielgelenk'ger,  windender  Entwick'lung ! 

Der  Eine  dort  hebt  seinen  rothen  Kamm 

Lang  uber's  andre  Drachenvolk  hervor  — 

Hu,  wie  im  Rachen  rasch  die  Zung'  ihm  spielt  — 

Er  will  auf  mich  —  ihn  hungert  sehr  nach  mir  — 

Nur  sitzt  er  mit  dem  schuppig  langen  Schweif 

Noch  zwischen  and'ren  Ungeheuern  fest. 

Er  ist  sehr  graulich  —  graulicher  noch  der, 

Der  unbeholfen  in  der  Mitte  liegt. 

Ich  glaub',  man  heisst  solch  Unthier  einen  Molch. 

'S  hat  noch  nicht  ausgeschlafen  —  blinzt  die  Augen 

Was?    Traum'  ich,  oder  ist  es  gar  ein  Mensch? 

Nein,  nur  den  Spott  des  Menschenangesichts 

Tragt  er  auf  seiner  Larve.  —  Wie  er  gahnt ! 

Nun  walzt  er  seinen  dicken  Leib  hervor. 

Der  Lange  krauselt  sich  ihm  nach  —  O,  mir ! 

Tod  ist  nur  Spiel,  doch  Holle  dies  Entzetzen ! 

4309-4316.    Volker. 

In  Stromen  rinnt  das  Blut,  und  wie's  erstarrt, 
Verdunkelt  sich  das  Gold,  um  das  es  floss, 
Und  strahlt  in  hellerm  Schein. 
Hagen. 

Ho,  ho !    Das  Gold ! 
Volker. 

Schon  ist  es  roth  und  immer  rother  wird's 
Mit  jedem  Mord.    Auf,  auf,  was  schont  ihr  Euch? 
Erst,  wenn  kein  Einz'ger  mehr  am  Leben  ist, 
Erhalt's  den  rechten  Glanz,  der  letzte  Tropfen 
Ist  nothig,  wie  der  erste. 

Fouque'  I.  210.    Brynhildur. 

Denn  Blut  auf  Gold  erschafft  gar  kecken  Schein. 
Blut  ist  ja  lebend  Gold,  und  Gold  —  Ihr  Kinder  — 
Ist  ja  hellglanzend,  schongelautert  Blut. 

4320-4322,  4324-4326,  4334~4336»  cf-  page  78- 

Fouque"  I.  58. 

Andwar  verflucht'  ihn,  den  Ring; 


m 

Fort  reiss'  deinen  Herrn, 

Reiss',  Ring,  deinen  Herrn,  wer  er  sei  auch, 

Rasch  fort  in  Verderb ! 
213.    Brynhildur. 

Du  siehst  vor  all'  der  Goldesblendung  nicht 

Den  schwarzen  Fluch,  der  grau'nvoll  d'riiber  hin 

Die  nacht'gen  Flugel  dehnt.  —  Es  reisst  euch  abwarts 

In  thoriger  Betaubung. 
4399  f.,  cf.  page  80. 
Fouque'  I.  58. 

Klang  Andwar's  des  Klugen, 

Bitten  gar  klaglich: 

Lass  mir  den  einen,  feinen  Ring! 

Der  schafft  mir  neuen  Schatz. 
4562-4565.     Dietrich. 

Die  Andern  aber  haben 

Den  Hort,  urn  den  sie  doch  soviel  gewagt, 

Die  Nacht  vor  ihrer  Fahrt  bei  Fackelschein 

Auf  Nimmerwiederseh'n  im  Rhein  versenkt. 
Fouqud  II.  84-88.    Am  Rheinufer. 
85.     Gunnar. 

Mach'  mich  doch  nicht  betriibter,  als  ich  bin. 

Mir  kommt  ohn'hin  schon  Alles  traurig  vor. 

Zum  Beispiel  als  bewahrten  wir  den  Schatz 

Hier  in  des  Rheines  dunkeltiefer  Fluth, 

Um  nimmermehr  ihn  wieder  anzuschau'n. 

Both  poets  place  the  burying  of  the  hoard  immediately  before 
the  departure  of  the  Burgundians  for  Etzel's  court. 

457S-458S,  cf.  page  77. 

Fouque  II.  178.     Niflung,  Hogne's  son,  describes  the  death  of 

the  Huns  :  — 

Ich  sah  vom  nahen  Pels 
Durch  die  vielfach  gewolbten  Bogenfenster. 
Erst  merkten  sie  der  Flamme  Wachsen  nicht, 
Die  Zechenden,  und  sangen  kecken  Muth's 
Von  Atli's  Thaten  manch  ein  preisend  Lied, 
So  dass  es  fast  beweglich  war,  zu  schau'n 
In  solcher  Lust  so  htilfelose  Opfer, 
Dann,  als  der  Rauch  durch  ihre  Sale  drang, 
In  dem  Geleit  hellspruh'nder  Feuerfunken,  — 
Da  fuhr'n  sie  auf,  und  nach  den  Thoren  hin,  — 
Zu  spat.    Hell  brannten  schon  die  ficht'nen  Pforten, 
Die  Briicken  viber  tiefe  Graben  hell, 
Und  mehr  und  mehr  zusammen  brach  der  Bau. 


142 

Am  Fenster,  angstverzerrten  Angesichts, 

Schon  von  der  Gluth  versengt,  drangten  sich  Viele  — 

Umsonst.    Es  bot  die  schroffe  Tiefe  nicht 

Des  Ausweg's  dar.  —  In  der  Verzweiflung  d'rauf 

Stellten  sie  in  der  Halle  Mitten  sich, 

In  einen  furchbar'n  Kreis  allsammt  vereint, 

Und  Einer  warf  sich  in  des  Andern  Schwerdt. 

So  fielen  sie,  der  Angst  des  Flammentod's 

Entrissen. 

4653-4655,  cf.  page  123. 

Fouque'  I.  191.     Guttorm. 

wenn  gleich  darnach 

Der  Mond  aufgeht  roth  iiber'n  Bergwald  her, 
Und  Nachtgespenster  auf  Gewitterwolken 

Durchreiten  das  schweflichte  Himmelszelt.  — 
*  *  *  *  * 

Blutig  und  gulden  scheint  der  Mond !    Gut  Zeichen 
Fur  mich ! 

3.     GEIBEL 

Emanuel  Geibel  and  Hebbel  were  at  work  upon  their 
Nibelungenen  dramas  at  the  same  time,  although  Geibel's 
"Brunhild"  appeared  five  years  earlier,  in  1857.  We  have  the 
authority  of  Kulke  for  the  following  anecdote:  Hebbel,  in  the 
course  of  a  conversation  with  Hanslick,  said  that  he  was  con- 
templating a  dramatic  rendering  of  the  Nibelungen.  Upon 
hearing  this,  Hanslick  exclaimed:  "So  the  ill-luck  has  come," 
and,  in  explanation,  added  that  he  had  recently  visited  Geibel 
in  Munich,  and  that  the  latter  had  told  him  that  he  was  writ- 
ing a  dramatic  work  on  the  Nibelungen,  but  had  enjoined  upon 
him  the  greatest  secrecy  lest  Hebbel  should  learn  of  it,  for 
Hebbel  was  capable  and  would  take  the  matter  in  hand  him- 
self. "Well,"  added  Hanslick,  "I  have  not  abused  Geibel's 
confidence,  but  if  ill  luck  is  to  come,  it  cannot  be  prevented."  l 

In  1852,  while  in  Munich,  Hebbel  had  made  Geibel's  ac- 
quaintance, though  the  relations  between  them  never  grew  to 
be  cordial.  At  this  time  Hebbel  expressed  to  his  wife  his  sur- 
prise at  Geibel's  modesty,  in  declaring  him  Germany's  only 
dramatic  poet.2  But  his  usual  tone  in  speaking  of  Geibel  as  a 

1  Kulke,  56  f.  8  Nachl.  I.  387;  cf.  II.  126  f. 


143 

lyric  poet  was  one  of  contempt.  He  calls  him  a  poet  of  many 
editions  and  describes  at  length  the  methods  by  which  he  ar- 
ranged to  give  the  impression  of  great  popularity.1 

Geibel's  play  only  aims  to  deal  with  that  part  of  the  saga 
which  contains  the  love  problem  of  Brunhild  and  Siegfried. 
He  omits  Dankwart,  Rumolt,  Gernot  (who  is  away),  Ute 
(who  has  died  during  the  previous  year),  and  all  of  the  new 
characters  in  the  second  part  of  the  Nibelungenlied ;  he  adds 
Hunold,  a  warrior,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  Nibelungenlied 
as  chamberlain  to  the  Burgundian  kings,  and,  as  inventions  of 
his  own,  Sigrun,  a  priestess  in  Brunhild's  following,  and 
Gerda,  Chriemhild's  playfellow.  The  drama  deals  with  the 
events  from  the  morning  following  the  double  wedding  to  the 
death  of  Siegfried,  and  covers  a  space  of  six  days.  In  scope 
it  thus  includes  less  than  ten  cantos  of  the  Nibelungenlied. 
The  entire  action  is  based  upon  purely  human  motives,  with 
a  background  of  heathen  beliefs  and  customs.  The  deceit  in 
the  wooing  was  accomplished  by  the  exchange  of  armor  while 
Siegfried  was  supposed  to  be  away  on  a  bear-hunt.  Siegfried's 
second  assistance  is  given  with  great  readiness,  although  it  is 
first  proposed  by  Gunther :  — 

Fur  mich  der  Kampf,  fur  Dich  des  Kampfes  Frucht; 

and  Gunther  agrees  to  lead  him  when  the  moon  is  low. 

After  the  second  combat,  Brunhild  chafes  against  the  shame 
and  woe  of  loving  one  man  and  belonging  to  the  other.  Chance 
had  cast  the  dragon-slayer  on  her  coast,  and  after  his  departure 
Sigrun  had  told  that  he  alone  should  conquer  her.  With  such 
thoughts  of  anger  and  despair  in  her  heart,  Brunhild  finds  Sieg- 
fried and  Chriemhild,  when  the  latter  is  in  tears  because  Sieg- 
fried will  not  explain  his  absence  the  night  before.  Incensed 
at  Brunhild's  scornful  attitude  towards  Chriemhild,  Siegfried 
is  ready  to  tell  the  secret  of  the  wooing,  but  Brunhild  has  noted 
the  tears  which  seem  to  her  to  betoken  unhappiness,  and  she 
becomes  more  and  more  convinced  that  Siegfried  really  loves 
her,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  is  married  to  Chriemhild :  — 

1  Cf.  Kulke  56;  Tgb.  IV.  5491;  Bw.  II.  115;  Nachl.  II.  29;  W.  VI.  353: 
Auf  einen  viel  gedruckten  Lyricus;  VII.  344. 


144 

Sie  haben  ihm  mit  Trank  und  Spruch  den  Sinn 
Verwirrt. 

The  feast  of  the  solstice,  with  its  attendant  heathen  rites, 
furnishes  the  occasion  for  the  quarrel  before  the  temple.  As 
Chriemhild  moves  forward,  Brunhild  bids  her  retreat  and 
opens  a  veritable  fishwife's  quarrel,  in  which  Chriemhild  is 
practically  forced  to  disclose  the  fatal  secret.  Brunhild  broods 
over  her  plans  of  vengeance  and  announces  to  Gunther  and 
Hagen,  "Siegfried  muss  sterben."  Gunther's  opposition  is 
firm  until  Brunhild  shows  her  love  for  Siegfried  and  her  scorn 
for  her  husband.  The  scene  of  Siegfried's  death  is  unpor- 
trayed,  except  for  Sigrun's  prophetic  cloud-reading,  which 
reaches  the  time  of  the  murder  just  as  Giselher  breathlessly 
announces  the  deed,  though  ignorant  of  the  hand  that  com- 
mitted it.  Brunhild's  vehement  scorn  soon  gives  way  to  pas- 
sionate lament :  — 

ich  wusste,  was  ich  that,  und  musst' 

Es  dennoch  thun.  .  .  . 

diesen  Mann  hab'  ich 

Geliebt !    Von  Anfang  ihn,  und  keinen  sonst ! 

As  she  stabs  herself,  Sigrun  darkly  pictures  the  working  out 
of  Chriemhild's  revenge  in  a  prophetic  warning  of  future  de- 
struction, which  she  closes  with  an  adaption  from  the  final 
words  of  the  Nibelungennot :  — 

Weh  iiber  Euch! 
Das  ist  der  Nibelungen  Not  und  Untergang ! 

Hebbel  took  an  early  opportunity  to  criticise  Geibel's  play. 
Act  IV.,  scenes  ii.  and  iii.,  which  lead  up  to  Siegfried's  death, 
had  appeared  in  1856,  in  the  Jahrbuch  Deutscher  Belletristik, 
with  the  first  scene  from  Hebbel's  Prologue,  and  Hebbel  had 
found  only  ridicule  for  them  as  the  bungling  product  of  a 
phrase-monger.1  In  a  letter  to  Gutzkow,  February  n,  1858, 
he  expresses  his  contemptuous  disapproval  of  Geibel's  lyrical 
drama,  and  declares  that  he  will  concern  himself  as  little  with 
him  as  one  does  with  flies  in  serious  warfare.  He  is  thinking 
only  of  the  "nest  in  which  he  represents  his  chief  cock."2 
1  Bw.  II.  247.  2  Ibid.  166. 


145 

In  the  same  year,  Hebbel  wrote  to  Kuh  his  indecision  as  to 
whether  he  should  finish  his  "Nibelungen"  or  "Demetrius," 
and  he  declared  that  Geibel  had  not  shattered  him  with  his 
"Brunhild,"  although  he  could  not  but  admire  the  magnifi- 
cent manner  hi  which  he  had  exercised  his  rights  as  poet,  and 
marvel  at  seeing  that  the  old  poem,  with  its  grim  heroes,  only 
existed  for  him  as  a  thousand-year-old  oak  for  a  maker 
of  fancy  articles,  who  has  secured  it  for  himself  at  a  bar- 
gain.1 

In  the  Leipziger  Illustrierte  Zeitung,  May  15,  1858,  appeared 
his  first  published  word  on  the  work.2  He  notes  that  Geibel 
broke  absolutely  with  the  myth,  and  threw  overboard  every- 
thing reminding  of  it.  But  he  finds  the  manoeuvre  unsuc- 
cessful, for,  though  the  magic  cap  and  the  dragon  are  put  aside, 
Brunhild  is  left  behind  with  her  gigantic  strength,  and  she 
conducts  herself  like  a  whale  that  is  among  flowers  and  but- 
terflies, while  it  should  be  playing  with  the  seals  and  the  sharks. 
This  manner  of  dealing  with  the  old  saga  is  directly  opposed 
to  Hebbel's  point  of  view.  For  him  the  peculiarity  of  its  charm 
lies  in  the  mingling  of  the  marvellous  and  the  purely  human. 
And  if  one  wants  to  lower  this  bloody  fable  to  the  court  history 
from  which  it  may  readily  have  been  developed,  why  use  the 
names  at  all?  Thus  one  cannot  think  of  Hagen  complaining 
that  he  has  been  deposed  and  comparing  himself  to  an  old 
dog,  although  one  would  sympathize  with  a  dismissed  court 
marshal  who  had  a  similar  grievance.  Hebbel  concludes  his 
criticism  with  the  following  words:  "The  piece  is  therefore 
to  be  designated  as  an  absolute  failure,  so  long  as  it  is  regarded 
as  the  third  noteworthy  attempt  to  raise  the  magic  gold  of  the 
Nibelungen  hoard;  but  otherwise  it  is  in  no  way  inferior  to 
the  poet's  Konig  Roderich,  and  is  just  as  rich  in  graceful 
thoughts,  tender  fancies,  and  charmingly  finished  pictures. 
The  statement  is  not  necessary  that  with  such  a  blunder  in  the 
material  as  a  whole,  absolutely  no  conclusion  is  reached  for  the 
literary  question." 

In  February,  1858,  Hebbel  sent  to  Gutzkow  the  epigram, 
"Einsprache  aus  Miinchen,"  but  recalled  it  two  days  latei 

1  Bw.  II.  126.  *  W.  XII.  164-167. 


146 

in  order  not  to  appear  as  though  he  had  written  it  in  spite. 
It  was  not  published  until  1863.* 

As  an  actual  source  of  Hebbel's  work,  Geibel's  "Brunhild" 
is  of  no  real  importance.  In  the  first  place,  Hebbel  had  com- 
pleted "Der  gehornte  Siegfried"  and  "Siegfrieds  Tod"  early 
in  the  year  in  which  "Brunhild"  was  published,  and  there  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  knew  more  than  the  two  scenes 
of  Act  IV.  before  that  time.  Then,  too,  Geibel,  like  Raupach, 
had  dealt  too  harshly  with  his  'material,  and  unlike  Raupach, 
he  had  not  written  a  stage  play,  though  Geibel's  popularity 
caused  the  piece  to  have  a  certain  theatrical  success  which, 
at  least  in  Dresden  and  Munich,  seems  to  have  temporarily 
prevented  the  success  of  Hebbel's  trilogy.2  The  very  few  pas- 
sages which  might  indicate  a  borrowing  are  the  following:  — 

2795  f.    Gunther. 

Mein  Weib !     Ja  wohl !    Sie  ist  so  weit  mein  Weib, 

Als  sie  mir  wehrt,  ein  anderes  zu  nehmen. 
2831  f. 

Du  magst  Dich  freuen,  Gerenot,  Dir  ist 

Die  Krone  der  Burgunden  schon  gewiss. 
Geibel  IV.  i.  69.' 

Ein  heiter  Gliick  erwart'  ich  nie  von  ihr. 
2800-2803,  cf-  Page  73- 
Geibel  IV.  ii.  72.    Hagen. 

Erst  heut  aus  dieser  Starrheit  fuhr  sie  auf 

Und  rief  nach  Wein,  und  sog  aus  tiefem  Becher 

Den  Trunk  mit  bleichen  Lippen  durstig  ein. 
3119-3121.    Ute. 

Wenn  Dich  als  Kind  im  Traum 

Das  wilde  Einhorn  jagte,  oder  auch 

Der  Vogel  Greif  erschreckte. 
Geibel  II.  i.  21  f.     Brunhild. 

Stoltz  und  unantastbar 

In  meines  Wesens  Bliite  fuhlt'  ich  mich, 

Dem  Einhorn  gleich,  das  kiihn  den  Jager  hohnt. 
4480-4490.    Hagen. 

Er  halt'  mich  auch  wohl  nicht  geliebt,  wenn  ich 

Erschienen  ware  in  den  Niederlanden, 

1  Orion  I.  6,  463;  W.  VI.  452;  cf.  Bw.  II.  126  f. 
1  Cf.  Bw.  I.  444,  457;  II.  514,  524,  597;  Nachl.  II.  275. 
3  References  are  by  act,  scene,  and  page  to  Geibel's  Gesammelte  Wcrkc, 
Dritte  Auflage. 


147 

Wie  er  in  Worms  bei  uns,  mit  einer  Hand, 
Die  alle  uns're  Ehren  spielend  pfliickte, 
Und  einem  Blick,  der  sprach :   Ich  mag  sie  nicht ! 
Trag  einen  Strauss,  in  dem  das  kleinste  Blatt 
An  Todeswunden  mahnt,  und  der  Dich  mehr 
Des  Blutes  kostet,  als  Dein  ganzer  Leib 
Auf  einmal  in  sich  fasst,  und  lass  ihn  Dir 
Nicht  bloss  entreissen,  nein,  mit  Fiissen  treten, 
Dann  kiisse  Deinen  Feind,  wenn  Du's  vermagst. 
Geibel  II.  iv.  34.     Giselher. 

Der  Ruf  des  Volks  verkiindet's  dir:  dein  Siegfried. 
Er  zwang  sie  alle  nieder  in  den  Sand, 
Zuletzt  auch  Hagen,  den  ich  kaum  im  Leben 
So  furchtbar  sah,  so  wuterfiillt  wie  heut. 
Das  war  ein  Schauspiel,  wie  die  beiden  rangen ! 
Der  eine  grimmig  keuchend,  blutigrot 
Das  Aug'  umlaufen,  doch  der  andre  selbst 
Im  hochsten  Kampfsturm  heiter  noch.  und  schon. 
Da  ward  mir's  klar  erst,  was  jttngst  Siegfried  meinte, 
Als  er  im  Scherz  mit  Hagen  sich  verglich, 
Ihm  hilft  der  Erdgeist,  sprach  er,  mir  die  Sonne. 
v.  37  f.     Siegfried. 

Nun,  diesmal  ward  mir's  schwer  genug  gemacht. 
Der  Hagen  ist  ein  Sturm  gewalt'ger  Fechter; 
Das  Schwert  gehorcht  ihm  wie  ein  Glied  des  Leibs. 
Und  wie  er  ficht,  so  ringt  er;   seine  Sehnen 
Sind  biegsam  Erz.  —  Fast  thut  mir's  leid  urn  ihn; 
Er  ging  ergrimmt  und  ohne  Gruss  davon. 
Giselher. 

Man  sah's  ihm  an,  er  hatt'  auf  Sieg  gehofft. 

***** 
Siegfried. 

Geh,  Schwager,  nimm  den  Speer  und  bring  ihn  Hagen 
Und  sag,  ich  bat',  er  mocht  ihn  nicht  verschmahn; 
Die  starke  Waffe  zieme  ganz  dem  Arm, 
Der  mir's  so  schwer  gemacht,  sie  zu  gewinnen. 

4545  f.    Dietrich. 

Mir  schien  sie  immer  eine  Kohle, 

Die  frischen  Windes  in  der  Asche  harrt.1 

Geibel  IV.  i.  70.     Gunther. 

Wahrlich,  sehn  die  Weiber 
Uns  so  verbunden,  sie  besinnen  sich 
Und  wie  ein  Funk'  in  Aschen  stirbt  der  Zwist 

5069-5072,  cf.  page  97. 

1  This,  however,  is  a  favorite  figure  with  Hebbel;   cf.  Nn.  1034  f.,  4080  i 
Bw.  II.  306. 


148 

Geibel  III.  vii.  62.    Chriemhild. 

Einen  Spiegel  zeig*  ich  dir, 
Dass  du  die  eignen  Konigsehren  drin  beschau'n 
Und  dann,  dem  Basilisken  gleich,  zerbersten  magst. 

5284-5288,  cf.  page  96. 

Geibel  III.  vii.  62.    Brunhild. 

Und  stohnst  du  wie  ein  blutend  Reh  um  Gnade  nun? 

Scarcely  even  in  minor  suggestions  can  Hebbel  be  shown  to 
have  borrowed  from  Geibel's  play,  which  sacrifices  the  whole 
for  a  small  part,  a  mode  of  procedure  in  direct  opposition  to 
Hebbel's  attitude.  Hebbel  alone  of  these  three  playwrights 
was  concerned  for  a  truthful  rendering  of  the  whole  saga,  as 
it  is  contained  in  the  Nibelungenlied.  Raupach  sacrificed  to 
the  footlights,  to  startling  effects;  Geibel  to  beauty,  to  an  in- 
tensifying and  deepening  of  one  psychological  problem,  rather 
than  to  a  representation  and  motivation  of  the  whole  problem. 
Both  Raupach  and  Geibel  trivialize  in  their  efforts  to  humanize ; 
they  take  away  the  grandeur  of  the  old  heroic  figures  and  leave 
us  substitutes  unworthy  the  names  they  bear. 


4.    WAGNER 

Richard  Wagner  was  drawn  to  the  Nibelungen  saga  as  a 
subject  for  his  musical  drama  through  studies  which  centred 
about  the  person  of  Frederick  Barbarossa.  These  studies 
led  him  to  cast  aside  the  possibility  of  making  the  German 
emperor  the  hero  of  a  great  opera,  but  caused  him  to  see  the 
significance  and  importance  of  the  story  of  the  hoard,  and  to 
believe  in  its  historical  relation  to  the  great  Frankish  kingdom. 
In  1848,  he  set  down  the  results  of  these  studies  in  his  essay, 
"  Die  Wibelungen.  Weltgeschichte  aus  der  Sage," 1  and  in 
the  same  year  he  wrote  his  plan  for  a  drama  from  the  Nibe- 
lungen myth.2 

Wagner  was  arriving  at  an  attitude  of  conscious  critical 

1  Ges.  Schriften,  II.  151-199. 

2  "  Der  Nibelungen-Mythus,  als  Entwurf  zu  einem  Drama,"  Ges.  Schriften, 
II.  201-214;  cf.  "  Eine  Mittheilung  an  meine  Freunde,"  1851,  Ges.  Schriften, 
IV.  285-418. 


149 

clarity  towards  his  art,  and  Siegfried  appealed  to  him  as  the 
purely  human  hero  who  was  a  fitting  subject  for  the  musical 
drama,  while  he  cast  aside  Frederick  as  the  historically  formal 
hero  unsuitable  to  be  an  exponent  of  the  new  theory  which  he 
had  formed.  Between  the  first  plan  of  1848,  and  the  actual 
writing  of  the  text  for  his  great  tetralogy,  Wagner  reached  final 
certainty  as  to  the  theory  and  philosophy  of  his  dramatic  com- 
position; and  he  expressed  his  views  on  the  subjects  of  "Art 
and  Revolution,"  "The  Art  Work  of  the  Future,"  and  "Opera 
and  Drama,"  l  before  he  gave  to  the  world  his  second  concep- 
tion of  the  dramatic  possibilities  of  the  Nibelungen  saga.  "He 
had  consciously  discovered  the  fundamental  law  of  the  word- 
tone-drama."  A  comparison  of  his  two  conceptions  shows  the 
change  brought  about  by  his  advancing  clearness  of  ideals 
and  of  purpose.  Music  he  felt  to  be  the  mother  of  the  drama, 
which  is  to  join  and  unify  all  other  arts ;  only  through  a  com- 
plete union  of  music  and  drama  can  the  action  gain  freedom; 
that  is,  release  from  all  necessity  of  appealing  to  abstract 
reflection. 

The  problem  which  Wagner  had  set  himself  to  solve  was: 
What  is  the  suitable  material  for  the  tone-drama,  and  how  is 
it  to  be  embodied  in  the  language  of  speech  and  of  music?  A 
few  thoughts  from  his  own  writings  on  these  subjects  serve 
best  to  show  his  critical  conclusions  in  regard  to  his  art.  "A 
subject  which  is  only  comprehensible  to  the  intellect,  can  also 
only  be  communicated  by  the  language  of  words ;  but  the  more 
it  grows  into  a  moment  of  feeling  the  more  decidedly  does  it 
need  a  form  of  expression  which  only  the  language  of  tone  can 
reach  in  necessary  fulness.  According  to  this,  the  contents 
of  that  which  the  word-tone  poet  has  to  express  is  determined 
entirely  of  itself:  It  is  the  Purely  Human,  freed  from  all  con- 
vention." "The  highest  conceivable  effort  of  the  poet  is  to 
take  the  myth,  the  product  of  the  clearest  perceptions  of  the 
human  race,  adapt  it  to  the  circumstances  of  our  present  lives, 
and  place  it  intelligently  before  us  in  the  drama." 

The  motives,  the  action,  in  the  ideal  tone-drama  of  Wagner's 
conscious  purposes  were  to  be  within,  were  to  be  an  outgrowth 
1  Written  respectively  in  1849,  1851,  1851;  Ges.  Schriften,  III. 


150 

of  the  feeling ;  and  so  the  second  plan,  while  retaining  the  gen- 
eral course  of  events  of  the  earlier  sketch,  entirely  changes  the 
whole  causality  and  the  motivation  of  the  drama.  Wagner 
no  longer  simply  attempts  to  dramatize  the  Nibelungen  saga 
as  the  Norse  sources  relate  it ;  he  places  the  conflict  in  Wotan's 
soul,  and  the  external  signs  of  the  conflict  are  brought  out  by 
the  curse  of  love  which  Wagner  himself  calls  the  formative 
motive  up  to  Siegfried's  death.  The  conflict  is  between  the 
striving  for  power,  and  the  longing  for  love  in  Wotan.  "All 
combats  among  men  are  only  reflexes  of  his  own  soul  struggles, 
as  is  also  the  participation  of  superhuman  beings  in  these 
combats." 

Although  Wagner  insisted  upon  his  right  to  consideration 
as  a  poet,  yet  from  the  very  nature  of  the  complex  structure  of 
his  music-drama,  from  the  character  of  his  aims  and  purposes 
in  his  conscious  composition,  the  work  cannot  be  judged  from 
the  same  standpoint  as  any  other  modern  treatment  of  the 
saga,  and  no  discussion  of  Wagner  purely  with  reference  to  the 
text,  or  solely  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  music,  can  be  any 
more  adequate  or  satisfying  than  would  be  a  stage  production 
of  the  alliterative  dialogue  as  a  play,  or  an  orchestral  rendering 
of  the  entire  musical  score  without  the  accompanying  words 
and  action. 

The  object  of  this  short  discussion  of  Wagner's  text  is  to 
show  the  difference  in  the  attitude  of  Wagner  and  Hebbel 
towards  the  saga,  and  in  their  treatment  of  it  as  dramatic 
material,  and  to  point  out  the  few  hints  and  suggestions  which 
Hebbel  may  have  taken  from  Wagner's  version.  For  although 
the  "Ring  of  the  Nibelung"  was  not  published  until  1863, 
the  year  of  HebbeFs  death,  it  was  printed  by  Wagner,  in  a 
small  edition  for  friends,  in  1853,  and  became  known  to  the 
literary  and  musical  world.  Hebbel's  intimate  relations  with 
Liszt  and  the  Princess  Wittgenstein,  which  date  from  June 
1858,  when  Hebbel  had  laid  aside  the  composition  of  the 
"Nibelungen"  after  completing  "Siegfrieds  Tod,"  would,  in 
any  case,  bear  out  the  supposition  that  Hebbel  knew  the  play. 
But  Hebbel  himself  gives  evidence  of  knowing  Wagner's  work. 
The  overharsh  criticism  which  he  utters  against  it  in  a  letter 


151 

to  Julius  Campe,  must  be  largely  attributed  to  the  entirely 
different  point  of  view  with  which  Wagner  and  Hebbel  began 
their  undertakings,  and  to  the  fact  that  Hebbel  never  knew  in 
its  entirety  the  music  which  was  to  glorify,  and  intensify,  and 
expound  the  lines  and  the  characters.  This  letter,  written 
while  Hebbel  was  correcting  the  proof-sheets  of  his  own  Nibe- 
lungen  trilogy,  contains  his  only  criticism  of  Wagner's  version : 
"And  with  all  the  modesty  which  the  greatness  of  the  task 
engenders,  we  will  look  down  with  a  smile  on  Geibel's  march- 
pane and  Richard  Wagner's  crippled  piece,  however  much  the 
factions  will  bestir  themselves  for  them,  for  these  people  have 
not  an  idea  of  the  subject,  and  treat  the  gods'  swine,  Sarimner, 
that  fills  the  gods  in  Walhalla  without  dying  from  it,  like  a 
quite  ordinary  sow."  l  Another  letter  to  Campe,  written  Au- 
gust 10,  1862,  relates  an  incident  which  occurred  at  the  home  of 
Frau  von  Billow,  in  Berlin,  when  he  met  a  certain  Herr  Klein, 
who  at  once  greeted  him  with  the  words:  "Do  you  know  the 
Nibelungen  of  Richard  Wagner?  That  you  must  admire,  I 
say  you  must;  that  brings  one  to  the  point  of  falling  on  one's 
knees  and  kissing  his  feet."  Whereupon  Hebbel  answered: 
"  You  are  not  the  man  to  prescribe  to  me  what  I  shall  admire," 
and  turned  his  back  on  him.2 

But  Hebbel  found  much  to  interest  him  in  Wagner's  theories 
regarding  opera  and  drama,  although  he  did  not  accept  his 
principles  as  a  whole.  Hebbel  himself  had  considered  the 
possibility  of  a  union  of  opera  and  drama  in  special  instances, 
and  always  when  at  work  at  his  "Moloch"  he  had  thought  of 
it  in  connection  with  music.3  He  agrees  absolutely  with  Wagner 
in  regarding  mythological  subjects  as  most  suitable  for  the 
opera,4  and  feels  that  Schumann  would  have  done  better  in 
his  opera,  "  Genoveva,"  if  he  had  used  the  popular  tradition 
as  source  rather  than  the  dramas  of  himself  and  Tieck.5  Heb- 
bel claims,  however,  that  music  can  only  express  the  general, 
not  the  particular,  and  supports  his  idea  by  supposing  an  imagi- 

1  Nachl.  II.  205 ;  cf.  Tgb.  IV.  6236. 

2  Nachl.  II.  249;  cf.  also  309,  and  W.  X.  317  f.,  Aus  Wien  und  Oesterreich, 
Orion,  February,  1863,  "  On  the  Valkyrie  Ride." 

3  Bw.  I.  412.  *  Tgb.  IV.  6099.  •  Bw.  II.  476- 


152 

nary  performance  of  a  Beethoven  symphony,  the  audience  for 
which  should  consist  entirely  of  musicians;  each  hearer,  he 
declares,  would  carry  away  a  different  impression  of  the  course 
of  ideas  in  the  music.1  He  objects  to  a  comparison  of  himself 
with  Wagner,  in  that  he,  Hebbel,  had  no  intention  of  preaching 
a  new  gospel,  but  only  wanted  to  restore  to  its  right  the  old 
gospel  drawn  from  Sophocles  and  Shakespere.  Wagner,  on 
the  other  hand,  had  hatched  out  an  art  theory  in  absolute  oppo- 
sition to  the  great  past,  a  theory  which  annihilated  the  very 
being  of  art  itself,  and  without  question  was  only  to  hide  its 
own  deficiency,  its  lack  of  melody.2 

Yet  after  hearing  "Lohengrin,"  in  Vienna,  Hebbel  readily 
agreed  that  its  success  was  doubtless  a  lasting  one,  and  called 
the  text  one  of  the  most  excellent,  if  one  regarded  it  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  music,  but  declared  that  the  problem  of  the 
drama  begins  where  the  text  stops,  in  the  details,  in  every  verse, 
as  well  as  in  the  whole,  in  the  composite  organism.3  Hebbel 
thus  distinctly  disagreed  with  Lizst,  who  regarded  Wagner's 
texts  as  capable  of  vying  with  the  drama.  They  are  related 
to  the  drama,  in  HebbePs  opinion,  as  the  general  to  the  partic- 
ular, and  if  it  were  otherwise,  they  would  not  admit  of  music.4 
The  poetically  dramatic  climax  coincides  with  the  musical 
< climax  only  in  the  rarest  cases,  and  the  object  of  the  poet  writ- 
ing for  music  must  be  to  let  all  the  moments  of  feeling  have 
their  full  value.5  For  the  rest,  Hebbel  strongly  believes  in  the 
close  relation  of  the  arts,  all  are  only  different  offshoots  of  one 
and  the  same  primal  force;  he  himself  always  hears  music 
from  some  unfathomable  poetical  source,  whenever  he  is  at 
work  on  an  important  scene.0 

Wagner  expressed  himself  as  anxious  to  see  Hebbel' s  "Nibe- 
lungen,"  7  but  when  he  became  acquainted  with  the  work, 
he  passed  it  over  with  few  and  slighting  words  of  criticism. 
In  his  article,  "liber  Schauspieler  und  Sanger,"  he  calls  the 
trilogy  a  "composite  piece"  which  "immediately  gives  us  the 

1  Tgb.  III.  5163. 

*  Nachl.  II.  248;  cf.  Bremer  Sonntagsblatt,  1862,  article  on  Hebbel  by  Adolph 
Strodtmann. 

3  Bw.  II.  529  f.,  532. 

4  Ibid.  470.  •  Ibid.  476.  •  Ibid.  470.  1  Ibid.  541. 


153 

impression  of  a  parody  on  the  Nibelimgenlied,  about  in  the 
manner  of  Blumauer's  travesty  of  the  JEneid.  Here  the  modern 
man  of  letters  seems  manifestly  mocking  what  he  considers  the 
grotesqueness  of  the  mediaeval  poem  by  ridiculous  exagger- 
ations: his  heroes  go  behind  the  wings,  there  perform  some 
monstrous  deed  of  heroism,  and  return  to  the  stage  to  tell  us 
all  about  it  in  much  the  same  depreciatory  tone  as  Baron  von 
Miinchhausen  upon  his  exploits.  As  all  his  dramatis  personae 
adopt  a  similar  tone,  and  thus  are  really  mocking  one  another, 
it  is  obvious  that  these  speeches  and  narratives  are  merely 
directed  to  the  audience,  as  if  each  hero  wished  to  let  it  know 
that  the  whole  thing  was  after  all  a  mere  paltry  thing,  thereby 
meaning  not  only  the  Nibelungen,  but  the  German  theatre 
itself.  And  in  reality,  the  whole  method  of  procedure  of  our 
'moderns'  in  regard  to  the  heroic  saga  and  the  theatre  as  well, 
should,  according  to  this,  be  regarded  as  a  farcical  attempt, 
an  attempt  which  neither  the  well-bred  poet  nor  the  actor  he 
has  in  mind  could  satirize  pronouncedly  enough  in  the  exer- 
cise of  their  respective  arts.  .  .  .  Never  does  the  poet  cease 
to  strut  as  world-saga  and  get  himself  displayed  as  such  by  his 
comedians,  into  whose  mouth  he  drops  the  deepest-going 
comments  in  the  very  midst  of  the  action."  l  Thus  Wagner 
was  as  little  in  sympathy  with  Hebbel's  attempt  to  place  the 
story  of  the  Nibelungenlied  before  the  public  as  a  dramatic 
unit  as  was  Hebbel  with  Wagner's  endeavors  to  join  the  Norse 
sagas  of  the  gods  with  that  of  the  gold  and  its  winners,  and 
to  give  to  them  a  philosophical  basis  of  modern  thought. 

In  selecting  and  dealing  with  his  sources,  Wagner  sought 
to  bring  the  saga  elements  back  to  their  original  mythical  basis, 
and  unite  them  into  a  dramatic  whole;  yet  his  creative  fancy 
often  adds  absolutely  new  features  and  forms  scenes  and  char- 
acters which  are  entirely  Wagner's  inventions  on  the  basis  of 
the  saga  material.  In  certain  cases,  his  text  sets  forth  the  origi- 
nal, true  significance  of  a  person  or  a  belief.  Thus,  Hagen  is 
the  son  of  an  elf ;  thus,  the  gold  is  originally  from  the  Rhine.2 

1  Ges.  Schriften,  IX.  189-274,  Ellis  translation,  V. 

2  For  a  discussion  of  the  two  concsptions  and  a  detailed   comparison,  cf. 
Nietszche,  Werke  I.,  and  Chamberlain,  "Das  Drama  Richard  Wagners." 


154 

Wagner  saw  the  drama  in  the  Nibelungenlied,  and  regarded 
the  epic  as  composed  of  a  series  of  fragments  of  lost  Nibelungen 
songs  which  were  pieced  together  in  Hohenstaufen  times. 
"Song  existed  among  the  people,"  he  says,  "as  a  bodily  enacted 
art  work,  aided  by  voice  and  gesture.  These  epic-lyrical 
performances  form  an  unmistakable  middle  stage  between  the 
genuine  older  lyric  and  tragedy,  and  are  the  normal  point  of 
transition  from  the  one  to  the  other."1  But  the  story  as  con- 
tained in  the  Nibelungenlied  was  too  imbued  with  the  pomp  and 
pageantry  of  the  Middle  Ages,  too  surrounded  by  modern  no- 
tions and  sentiments,  too  modified  by  the  surface  influence  of 
Christianity,  to  offer  the  simplicity  of  material  which  Wagner 
felt  was  necessary  for  the  pure  music-drama.  In  his  "Mit- 
theilung  an  meine  Freunde,"  2  he  tells  of  his  attraction  for  the 
Sigurd  of  the  Norse  versions.  Since  his  return  to  Germany 
from  Paris,  his  favorite  study  had  been  ancient  German  lore, 
which  took  him  back  step  by  step  into  deeper  regions  of  antiq- 
uity, "where  at  last  to  my  delight,  and  truly  in  the  utmost 
reaches  of  all  time,  I  was  to  light  upon  the  fair  young  form  of 
Man  in  all  the  freshness  of  his  force."  The  splendid  type  of 
Siegfried  had  long  attracted  him  when  he  had  come  to  see  it 
in  the  purest  human  shape,  set  free  from  every  later  wrapping. 
And  now  he  first  saw  the  possibility  which  had  not  occurred 
to  him  when  he  only  knew  him  from  the  Nibelungenlied.  In 
Siegfried  he  saw  the  Human  Being  in  the  most  natural,  and 
the  blithest  fulness  of  his  physical  life,  and  this  elemental  hero, 
this  "man  become  God,"  the  hero  whose  soul  is  "free  from 
every  guile  and  glad  with  love,"  who  is  "without  flaw  and 
covetousness, "  he  sought  to  incorporate  in  his  music-drama. 

No  one  source  offered  the  necessary  material  for  Wagner's 
project,  and  he  borrowed  and  pieced  at  will,  though  always 
with  the  view  to  a  composite,  unified  whole,  and  to  the  work- 
ing out  of  the  fundamental  principle  which  he  had  invented  as 
a  basis.  He  studied  the  material  from  all  available  sources 
before  he  attempted  to  write,  and  there  is  not  one  of  the  older 
versions  of  the  saga  which  he  did  not  make  use  of  to  some  extent. 

1  "  Das  Kunstwerk  der  Zukunft,"  Ges.  Schriften  III. 
J  Ges.  Schriften  IV.,  Ellis  I. 


155 

Wagner  knew  Ettmiiller's  translation  of  the  songs  of  the 
Edda  concerning  the  Nibelungen,  which  appeared  in  1837, 
and  Simrock's  translation  of  both  the  Eddas  which  was  pub- 
lished two  years  before  Wagner  printed  his  drama.  From  the 
Eddas  he  drew  the  material  which  led  him  to  combine  the  sagas 
of  the  gods  and  the  heroes,  and  make  the  fate  of  Siegfried  a 
causal  part  of  the  great  world-fate.  "Rheingold"  is  based 
upon  a  combination  of  the  saga  concerning  the  ring  and  hoard 
which  is  told  in  the  SkdldskaparmaV  the  saga  concerning  the 
building  of  the  gods'  stronghold  contained  in  the  Gylfagin- 
ning  and  Regensm^l,  and  the  saga  of  Loki  and  the  golden 
apples  of  Idun,  which  is  hinted  at  in  the  Gylfaginning  and 
told  in  the  BragaroetSur.  The  Norse  gods  are  given  German 
names.  Thus  we  have  Wotan,  Dormer,  and  Loge;  Wotan  as 
the  All- Father,  Donner  as  the  storm-god,  and  Loge  as  the  fire- 
god.  Froh  is  the  Norse  Freyr;  Fricka  the  Norse  Frigg; 
Freia,  a  combination  of  Freyja  and  Idun;  and  Erda  a  combi- 
nation of  the  earth-goddess  J<jrd  (of  whom  no  saga  is  extant), 
and  the  Norse  Wala  of  the  Vglosp^.2  The  names  of  Gutrune, 
and  of  Grimhild,  who  is  only  mentioned,  are  from  the  Norse 
versions. 

"Die  Walkiire,"  while  mainly  free  poetic  invention,  based 
upon  the  Volsungasaga,  has  several  suggestions  from  the 
Edda.  The  names  of  the  Valkyries  are  invented,  except  that 
of  Siegrune,  who  is  mentioned  in  Helgkavijm  Hundingsbana  I., 
as  protecting  Helgi  in  battle.  The  SigrdrifomQl,  in  connection 
with  the  Volsungasaga,  furnishes  material  for  Brunhild's  magic 
sleep,  the  surrounding  flames,  and  the  motive  that  only  the 
fearless  hero  shall  make  his  way  through  them.  In  the  Edda, 
too,  Frigg  and  Odin  contend  about  their  favorites,  as  in  the 
old  saga  of  the  naming  of  the  Langobardians.  Fricka's  span 
of  rams  is  a  combination  and  confusion  of  the  attributes  of  other 
gods  and  goddesses.  Thor  rides  with  goats,  Freyja  in  a  car 
drawn  by  cats. 

The  third  opera,  "Siegfried,"  is  based  more  largely  upon  the 
songs  of  the  Edda,  particularly  Fdmesm^l.  Sigrdrifom^l,  Vaf- 
J>rujmesm<2l,  Vglospg,  and  Baldrsdraumar.  In  the  first  three  of 
1  C.  39-42.  *  Vsp.  28,  Ls. 


156 

these  songs  are  told  the  narratives  of  the  slaying  of  Fafnir  and 
Regin  (Mimi),  the  winning  of  the  hoard,  the  warning  and  ad- 
vice of  the  birds,  the  waking  of  Brunhild,  and  her  betrothal 
with  Sigurd,  which  form  the  main  outline  of  the  story  in  "  Sieg- 
fried." The  contest  of  knowledge  in  Act  I.,  between  Wotan 
and  Mimi,  where  each  pledges  his  head  as  a  wager,  is  sug- 
gested by  the  incident  about  which  the  song  Vafyrujmesm^l 
centres.  Odin,  under  the  name  of  Gangrdjjr  (Wanderer), 
enters  into  a  similar  contest  with  the  giant  Vafyrujmer.1  In 
V^lospQ,  we  have  the  wise  Wala  who  foretells  future  events 
and  the  fate  of  gods  and  men;  in  Baldrsdraumar,  as  in  "Sieg- 
fried," Oden  wakens  the  Wala,  in  order  to  question  her. 
Wagner  makes  an  absolute  distinction  between  Norn  and  Wala, 
which  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Edda.  The  Ragnarok,  which 
Wotan  fears,  and  to  avoid  which  he  questions  Erda,  is  de- 
scribed in  the  VQlospQ  and  in  Gylfaginning. 

For  the  title  of  the  fourth  opera,  Wagner  took  Simrock's 
translation  of  the  Norse  ragnarqkr,  and  for  the  material  he 
went  to  the  Edda  for  the  account  of  Brunhild's  instruction  of 
Siegfried,2  the  references  to  the  world-ash  Yggdrasil,8  to  the 
well  of  the  Norns,4  to  the  lost  eye  of  Wotan,5  and  to  his  spear; 
here,  too,  he  found  the  suggestion  for  the  spinning  Norns 
casting  their  cord  to  the  different  points  of  the  compass.6  The 
spurious  Eddie  song  Hrafnagaldr  (Raven-magic),  which  Sim- 
rock  includes  in  his  translation,  tells  how  Odin,  anticipating 
the  end  of  the  gods,  sends  out  his  ravens,  and  with  sorrow 
awaits  their  return.  Throughout  the  tetralogy,  the  idea  is 
conveyed  that  the  race  similarity  between  Siegmund  and  Sieg- 
linde,  Wotan  and  Siegfried,  is  shown  in  their  eyes.7 

From  Zurich  Wagner  wrote  to  Uhlig  in  November,  1851, 
asking  for  von  der  Hagen's  Volsungasaga,  which  he  wanted, 
not  in  order  to  mould  his  composition  after  it,  but  in  order  to 

1  Cf.  "  Siegfried"  I.,  Wotan:  Wand'rer  heisst  mich  die  Welt. 

J  Sd.  »  Vsp.,  Grm.,  Gl.  4  Vsp.,  Gl.  B  Vsp.  •  H.  H.  I. 

7  Cf.  "Die  Walkdre"  I.,  Siegfried  III.,  Wanderer:  — 

Mit  dem  Auge, 

das  als  and'res  mir  fehlt, 

erblickt'st  du  selber  das  eine 

das  mir  zum  Sehen  verblieb. 


157 

recall  again  exactly  what  he  had  previously  conceived  in  re- 
gard to  single  features.1  When  the  book  arrived,  he  looked 
through  it,  and  found  that  it  was  no  longer  necessary,  for 
he  had  already  clear  in  his  own  mind  the  principal  features 
which  he  had  wished  to  use  and  adapt  from  this  most  complete 
of  the  Norse  accounts  of  the  saga.  The  second  opera,  "Die 
Walkure,"  is  based  upon  a  modification  of  features  taken  from 
the  Volsungasaga,  the  only  account  which  gives  details  of 
Sigurd's  ancestry.  Wagner  makes  Wotan  not  simply  the 
founder  of  the  race  from  which  Siegfried  springs,  but  that 
very  Walse  who  is  the  father  of  Siegmund  and  Sieglinde.  The 
incident  of  the  sword  thrust  into  the  ash  tree  and  pulled  forth 
by  Siegmund  is  entirely  changed  in  setting,  though  not  in  sig- 
nificance. The  hints  at  the  wolf-life  of  Siegmund  and  his 
father  in  the  foresfare  references  to  the  accounts  of  Siegmund  and 
his  son  SinfJQtli,  who  took  on  the  skins  and  natures  of  wolves. 
Siegmund  and  his  sister  meet  as  strangers  after  she  is  married 
to  Hunding,  the  enemy  of  Siegmund,  who  is  later  mentioned  in 
the  Volsungasaga,  where  Siggeir  is  Signy's  husband.  Sieg- 
fried, instead  of  Sinfj§tli,  is  the  direct  offspring  of  the  union 
of  the  twin  brother  and  sister,  which  is  with  Wagner  not  the 
result  of  a  preconceived  purpose,  but  the  outcome  of  fate.  The 
incidents  surrounding  Siegfried's  birth  and  Briinnhilde's  sleep 
are  partly  taken  from  the  Volsungasaga,  where  Siegfried's 
birth  is  announced  by  Siegmund.  The  cause  of  Briinnhilde's 
punishment  is  disobedience,  but  here  again  Wagner  strengthens 
and  intensifies  the  relationship,  by  making  the  fight  in  which 
Briinnhilde  disobeys  Wotan  the  combat  between  Siegmund  and 
Hunding,  not,  as  in  the  Volsungasaga  and  Sigrdrifom^l,  a  fight 
between  the  unknown  heroes  Hjalmgunnar  and  Agnar.3  In 
"Siegfried,"  the  history  of  the  broken  sword,  and  the  test  of 
the  sword  when  it  is  welded  anew,  are  taken  from  the  Volsunga- 
saga. In  the  saga,  Odin  appears  to  Sigurd  with  warning 
counsel  before  the  combat  with  Fafnir ;  here,  he  appears  after- 
wards and  only  in  a  last  futile  attempt  to  prevent  the  course 
of  fate. 
As  in  the  Volsungasaga,  the  betrothal  takes  place  by  means 

1  Briefe  an  Uhlig,  118.  _*  Vs.  20,  Sd. 


158 

of  a  ring,  and  Siegfried  rides  away  in  search  of  adventure. 
He  is  made  to  forget  Brunnhilde  by  means  of  the  magic  drink, 
which,  however,  in  "  Gotterdammerung,"  is  compounded  by 
Hagen,  and  offered  by  Gudrun.  In  the  Volsungasaga,  the 
effect  of  the  drink  gradually  diminishes;  in  the  opera,  Hagen 
offers  a  second  drink  of  remembrance.  In  the  Volsungasaga, 
Brynhild  only  recognizes  the  ring  after  Gudrun  has  shown 
it  to  her;  here,  she  sees  it  immediately  upon  her  arrival  at 
Gunther's  court. 

Von  der  Hagen's  "Nordische  Heldenromane,"  which  had 
been  Wagner's  authority  for  the  Volsungasaga,  contained  also 
a  translation  of  the  Thidrekssaga.  Chapter  168  relates  how 
Brunhild  gave  Siegfried  the  horse,  Grani,  an  incident  upon 
which  Wagner  has  enlarged  in  the  "Walkiire."  Sieglinde's 
death  in  the  woods,  as  well  as  the  finding  of  Siegfried  by  Mimi 
and  his  education  with  him,  are  also  incidents  based  upon 
this  saga,  chapters  159-164,  where  Siegfried's  father  and 
mother  are  called  Sigmund  and  Sisibe,  and  his  foster-father, 
Mimir.  Here,  as  with  Wagner,  the  scene  of  the  fight  with  the 
dragon  is  laid  in  the  woods.1  This,  too,  is  the  only  source 
which  brings  out  clearly  the  story  of  Hagen's  birth  as  the  son 
of  an  elf,2  which  Wagner  so  strongly  emphasizes  and  upon 
which  he  so  materially  enlarges.  Once  more,  Wagner  draws 
in  closer  union  the  threads  of  his  plot,  by  making  Alberic  the 
elf  who  was  Hagen's  father. 

The  Nornagestssaga,  which  was  also  included  in  von  der 
Hagen's  "Heldenromane,"  makes  Sigurd's  foster-father  a 
dwarf. 

Golther  suggests  that  Wagner  may  have  used  still  another 
Norse  source,  a  Norwegian  Skaldic  song,  written  about  900, 
from  which  he  may  have  drawn  the  idea  for  making  Brunnhilde 
the  herald  of  Siegmund's  death.3 

Although  Wagner  based  his  entire  production  on  the  Norse 
versions,  he  did  not  neglect  to  study  the  German  sources,  and 
drew  from  them  in  various  isolated  instances.  For  his  knowl- 
edge of  the  Nibelungenlied,  he  again  depended  upon  Simrock's 

1  So  also  in  the  "Lied  vom  hurnen  Seyfrid,"  and  in  Simrock's  "Wieland  der 
Schmied."  2  C.  169.  »  Golther,  56. 


159 

translation.  The  names  of  persons  are  nearly  all  taken  from 
the  German  epic:  Siegmund,  Sieglinde,  Siegfried,  Briinnhilde, 
Hagen,  Alberic,  Niblung.  Wagner  has  the  magic  helmet,  a 
reminiscence  of  the  Tarnkappe  of  the  Nibelungenlied.  Sieg- 
fried's teasing  of  Mimi  with  a  bear,  on  his  return  from  the 
chase,  is  a  reminder  of  the  incident  in  the  hunt,  just  before 
Siegfried's  death.  The  two  Niblungs,  Alberic  and  Mimi, 
watching,  in  greedy  enmity,  at  Fafnir's  hole,  recall  the  con- 
tention between  the  two  sons  of  Niblung  over  the  hoard. 
Siegfried's  invulnerability  is  here  caused  by  Briinnhilde's  bless- 
ings, not  by  the  bathing  in  the  dragon's  blood ;  that  is,  the  one 
vulnerable  spot  is  not  the  result  of  an  accident  provided  by 
nature,  but  of  an  intentional  act  of  Briinnhilde.  Siegfried's 
defiant  attitude  upon  his  arrival  at  the  court  of  Gunther,1  his 
winning  of  the  ring  from  Briinnhilde,  as  the  result  of  a  struggle,2 
Hagen's  night  watch  before  the  hall,3  Siegfried  as  the  advance 
messenger  from  Gunther  returning  with  Briinnhilde,4  the 
hunt  on  the  Rhine,5  Gutrune's  troubled  dreams,6  are  all  bor- 
rowings from  the  mediaeval  epic.  Reminders  of  the  Nibe- 
lungenlied are  found  throughout  Hagen's  attitude  towards 
Siegfried.  It  is  Hagen  who  knows  of  him  before  his  arrival, 
it  is  he  who  thinks  of  obtaining  power  through  Siegfried,  it 
is  he  who  proposes  asking  Siegfried's  assistance  in  wooing 
Briinnhilde,  it  is  he  who  arouses  and  incites  to  vengeance  against 
Siegfried,  it  is  his  hand  that  kills  Siegfried  while  the  latter  is 
bending  over  to  drink,  it  is  he  who  attempts  to  rob  as  well  as 
to  murder. 

The  "  Lied  vom  hiirnen  Seyfrid  "  had  been  published  in  von 
der  Hagen's  Heldenbuch,  in  1825,  and  translated  in  Simrock's 
Heldenbuch  III.,  in  1844.  The  name  Gibich,  which  Wagner 
uses  in  reference  to  Gunther's  father,  occurs  in  the  Lied  as  the 
name  of  the  king.  The  entire  saga,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Nibelungenlied,  the  Klage,  and  Biterolf,  calls  the  race  Gibich- 
ungen,  Norse  Giukunge,  from  the  name  of  the  father.  The 
name  Dankrat  seems  a  later  invention.  The  test  of  the  sword 
occurs  in  this  source,  as  well  as  in  the  Volsungasaga,  Thi- 

1  Nl.  III.  *  Ibid.  XXX.  6  Ibid.  XVI. 

»  Ibid.  X.  «  Ibid.  IX.  •  Ibid.  XV. 


160 

drekssaga,  and  Nornagestssaga,  and  the  fight  with  the  dragon 
in  which  he  first  makes  use  of  the  weapon  occurs,  as  with  Wag- 
ner, in  the  deep  woods.  The  only  important  feature  which 
Wagner  can  be  shown  to  have  borrowed  from  this  source  is 
his  introduction  of  Siegfried  as  an  unrestrained,  violent  strip- 
ling who  knows  nothing  of  father  or  mother,  though  in  the 
Thidrekssaga  he  is  also  ignorant  of  his  origin. 

Of  the  modern  versions  of  the  Nibelungen  saga,  Wagner 
knew  Fouque"'s  "Held  des  Nordens,"  Raupach's  "Nibelungen- 
Hort,"  Uhland's  poem,  "Siegfried's  Schwertgewinnung,"  and 
Simrock's  play,  "Wieland  der  Schmied."  The  only  one  of 
these  which  had  any  marked  influence  upon  him  was  Fouqu^'s 
drama.1  Of  the  works  published  after  his  "Ring,"  Wagner 
later  mentions  in  his  writings  Dorn's  opera,  Hebbel's  trilogy, 
and  Jordan's  "  rhapsodies."  From  the  prelude  to  Fouque*'s 
"Sigurd,"  Wagner  took  several  of  the  defiant  speeches  of  Sieg- 
fried, and  the  monologue  of  Mimi  which  is  interrupted  by 
Siegfried's  stormy  entrance.  The  opening  scene  in  "Gotter- 
dammerung,"  with  the  three  Norns,  was  certainly  suggested 
by  the  first  part  of  the  second  Adventure  of  "Sigurd  der 
Schlangentodter,"  where  the  Norns  sit  about  the  sleeping 
Brynhildur  and  prophesy;  from  Fouque",  too,  are  taken  Sieg- 
fried's words  about  Grani  upon  his  arrival  at  Gunther's  court. 
Wagner,  like  Uhland,  opposes  the  sources  in  having  Siegfried 
forge  his  own  sword. 

Wagner  also  made  use  of  Grimm's  "Deutsche  Mythologie," 
particularly  for  the  formation  of  names.  The  cry  of  the 
Rhine-maidens,  — 

Weia !    Waga ! 

Wagalaweia ! 

Wallala,  weiala,  weia! 

he  writes  to  Nietzsche,  he  got  from  the  name  Heilawac  which 
he  found  in  Grimm;  the  three  names  of  the  Rhine  daughters 
are  free  formations  on  the  basis  of  names  that  he  found  here. 
Thus,  Grimm  cites  Wachilt  as  a  nixie's  name. 

Popular  superstition  also  enters  into  the  elements  of  the 

1  Cf.  A.  Lindner,  Deutsche  Wochenschrijt,  1884,  Nr.  52,  and  Golther. 


161 

composition.  Fricka  mentions  the  allurements  of  the  Rhine 
daughters  who  entice  men  to  their  destruction :  — 

Schon  manchen  Mann 

—  mir  zum  Leid  — 
verlockten  sie  buhlend  ins  Bad.1 

The  magic  helmet  has  the  power  to  transport  its  wearer  from 
place  to  place,  and  to  change  him  into  various  animals  at  will, 
as  in  Puss  in  Boots;  Mimi  is  forced  to  tell  the  truth,  as  the 
magic  cap  in  Hopp's  farce,  "Doctor  Faust's  Hauskappchen," 
forces  the  person  questioned  to  answer  without  falsehood.2 
Siegfried  awakens  his  bride  with  a  kiss,  as  in  Domroschen; 
he  casts  a  piece  of  turf  over  his  shoulder  to  signify  his  disre- 
gard for  life;  and  when  Hagen  attempts  to  take  the  ring  from 
Siegfried's  hand,  the  arm  is  raised  threateningly.  Wagner  gives 
to  the  ring  certain  properties  of  the  Wiinschrute  of  Germanic 
folk-lore :  — 

Durch  des  Ringes  Gold 

errat  seine  Gier, 

wo  neue  Schimmer 

in  Schachten  sich  birgt.3 

All  of  this  material  Wagner  moulded  over  with  free  addi- 
tions and  changes  in  relationship.  Perhaps  the  chief  charac- 
teristic in  his  treatment  of  the  saga  material  is  his  complete 
change  in  the  relationships  of  many  of  the  characters  to  each 
other,  and  in  the  relation  of  the  gods  to  men,  with  the  two  mo- 
tives running  though  the  whole:  the  ruin-bringing  curse  on 
the  gold,  and  that  theme  which  is  so  fundamental  a  part  of  all 
of  Wagner's  works,  the  redeeming  power  of  love.  What  Heb- 
bel  drew  from  Wagner  must,  of  necessity,  be  small.  Each  had 
an  entirely  different  aim  and  ideal  before  him:  Hebbel,  to 
rejuvenate  the  old  saga  as  he  found  it  in  its  youngest  complete 
form;  Wagner,  to  go  back  to  the  mythical  beginnings,  and  to 
reconstruct  the  saga  on  the  basis  of  the  oldest  known  forms. 
A  few  minor  suggestions  and  an  emphasis  upon  certain  phases 
of  the  saga  material  are  at  most  all  that  Hebbel  drew  from 
Wagner's  music-drama. 

1  "Rheingold"  II.  2  Published  Vienna,  1843.  »  "Rheingold"  III. 


162 

Both  Wagner  and  Hebbel  make  Alberich  the  ruler  of  the 

dwarfs :  — 

Die  horen  auf  den  wilden  Alberich.1 

With  Wagner,  it  is  a  power  that  he  has  won  through  the 
treasure  and  the  making  of  the  ring.  Hagen  calls  him: — 

Gefallener  Furst! 
Nacht-Huter! 
Niblungen-Herr ! 2 

Both  poets  make  clear  the  fact  that  one  man  has  Brunhild 
in  his  power,  to  win  either  for  himself  or  for  another.  Brunn- 
hilde  says:  — 

In  seiner  Macht  halt  er  die  Magd; 

in  seinen  Banden 

halt  er  die  Beute, 

die,  jammernd  ob  ihrer  Schmach, 

jauchzend  der  Reiche  verschenkt ! 2 

In  both  plays,  Brunhild  knows  that  only  the  strongest  man 
shall  conquer  her:  — 

Wer  ist  der  Mann, 
der  das  vermochte, 
was  dem  Starksten  nur  bestimmt  ?  s 

Frigga  feels  helpless  since  the  runes  have  not  led  her  aright. 
In  "Gotterdammerung"  Briinnhilde  says  :  — 

Wo  sind  meine  Runen 
gegen  dies  Rathsel? 

In  both  dramas,  Siegfried  arrives  at  Worms  accompanied 
by  his  steed ;  with  Hebbel,  he  at  once  recounts  his  deeds ;  with 
Wagner,  he  recites  the  history  of  his  exploits  just  before  his 
death.  In  both  dramas,  he  endeavors  to  cheer  the  gloomy 
Gunther  while  they  are  resting  on  the  chase,  and  in  both  dramas 
the  birds  guide  the  way  to  Brunhild : 

630  f.    Siegfried. 

Die  Dohle  fliegt  voran, 
Die  Eule  folgt. 
"Siegfried"  II. 

(Der  Vogd  flattert  auf,  schwebt  uber  Siegfried  und  fliegl 

davon.) 
1  Nn.  143.          *  Gotterdammerung  II.          8  Ibid.  I.,  Nn.  1653  f.;  cf.  p.  113. 


163 

Siegfried  (jauchzend). 

So  wird  mir  der  Weg  gewiesen : 

wohin  du  flatterst 

folg5  ich  dem  Plug! 

(Er  eilt  dem  Vogcl  nach.) 
"Siegfried"  III. 

Mein  Voglein  schwebte  mir  fort;  — 

mit  flatterndem  Flug 

und  siissem  Sang 

wies  es  mir  wonnig  den  Weg. 

With  Hebbel,  Siegfried  is  connected  with  ravens  who  appear 
at  crucial  times  in  his  life :  when  the  hoard  is  being  brought  to 
Worms,  when  he  is  on  the  chase  with  Gunther  and  Hagen; 
even  after  his  death  the  raven  circles  about  his  grave.  With 
Wagner,  two  ravens  appear  in  warning  on  the  fatal  chase, 
and  as  Briinnhilde  casts  the  burning  torch  upon  the  funeral 
pyre,  two  ravens  fly  off  at  her  behest  to  announce  to  Wotan 
what  has  taken  place.  Neither  poet  calls  the  birds  that  guide 
Siegfried  to  Brunhild  ravens.  In  both  dramas,  the  dying 
Siegfried  fails  in  his  attempt  to  cast  his  shield  at  Hagen. 

The  scene  between  Ute  and  Kriemhild,  in  the  early  morning 
after  Siegfried's  death,  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  scene 
in  Act  III.  of  "  Gotterdammerung,"  where  Gutrune,  on  the 
morning  after  the  chase,  is  disturbed  in  her  slumbers  by  evil 
dreams,  and  by  the  thought  that  she  hears  Siegfried's  horse  and 
horn,  while  she  dwells  upon  her  fear  of  Briinnhilde. 

In  Act  V.,  scene  ix.,  Hagen  takes  Balmung  from  Siegfried's 
dead  body  with  the  same  defiance  that  Wagner's  Hagen  endeav- 
ors to  take  the  ring  from  his  hand. 

The  continued  references  to  Dietrich's  knowledge  acquired 
at  the  Nixie's  well  may  have  their  origin  in  the  scenes  of  the 
"Ring  des  Nibelungen"  where  Erda  or  the  Norns  appear. 
Erda,  coming  from  secret  depths,  instructs  and  warns  Wotan, 
and  the  Norns  tell  of  the  well  of  wisdom  at  the  foot  of  the  world- 
oak.  Dietrich's  story  of  the  birth  of  Siegfried  recalls  the  em- 
phasis which  Wagner  lays  upon  the  fact  that  destiny  has  decreed 
Siegfried  and  Briinnhilde  for  each  other :  — 

"Siegfried"  III.    Briinnhilde. 

O  wiisstest  du,  Lust  der  Welt, 


164 

wie  ich  dich  je  geliebt! 

Du  warst  mein  Sinnen 

mein  Sorgen  du. 

Dich  Zarten  nahrt'  ich 

noch  eh'  du  gezeugt; 

noch  eh'  du  geboren 

barg  dich  mein  Schild: 

So  lang'  lieb  ich  dich,  Siegfried! 

Possibly  we  find  a  reminiscence  of  Alberich's  winning  of  the 
hoard  from  the  Rhine  daughters  in  Volker's  vision.1 
In  "Rheingold,"  Loge  says:  — 

Ein  Tand  ist's 
in  des  Wassers  Tiefe. 
"Gotterdammerung"  I. 

Die  erste  Norn. 

das  Rheingold 
raubte  Alberich  einst. 

Volker's  warning  to  leave  the  hoard  in  the  water's  depths 
recalls  the  closing  scene  in  "Gotterdammerung,"  where  the 
Rhine  daughters  regain  the  stolen  treasure.  Volker's  story, 
like  Wagner's  prelude,  omits  the  third  god,  Hoenir,  in  the  nar- 
rative of  how  the  gods  secured  the  gold :  Volker  says,  "  Durch 
Gotterraub;"  Wagner  has,  "Durch  Raub." 

It  is  quite  probable  that  Hebbel  drew  from  Wagner  his  idea 
for  making  Hagen  an  elf's  son,  a  point  which  Wagner  strongly 
emphasizes,  and  with  striking  effect,  for  in  the  "Ring"  Hagen 
is  the  connecting  link  between  the  Niblungs  and  men,  just  as 
Siegfried  is  the  connecting  link  between  gods  and  men.  With 
Hebbel,  he  is  the  uncle  of  Gunther,  and  only  in  the  banquet 
hall  of  Etzel  does  he  call  himself  the  son  of  an  elf. 


5.    VISCHER 

A  decided  influence  upon  Hebbel's  attitude  towards  his 
subject,  and,  in  a  few  cases,  a  direct  influence  upon  the  compo- 
sition of  his  drama,  are  traceable  to  Friedrich  Theodor  Vischer. 

1  4320  f.,  cf.  page  78. 


165 

In  1844,  appeared  Vischer's  "Kritische  Gange,"  the  second 
volume  of  which  contains  the  essay,  "  Vorschlag  zu  einer  Oper." 
Hebbel  became  acquainted  with  the  work  in  the  following 
year,  and  discusses  it  in  a  letter  to  Felix  Bamberg:  "I  read 
with  great  interest  Vischer's  Kritische  Gange,  which  a  young 
doctor  brought  me.  A  very  able  aesthetician  who,  to  be  sure, 
now  and  then  mistakes  a  purely  external  for  an  internal  point, 
as,  for  example,  when  he  deduces  from  the  impossibility  of 
seeing  a  political  comedy  represented  at  our  court  theatres, 
the  impossibility  of  such  a  comedy."  *  That  Hebbel  repeat- 
edly read  the  "Kritische  Gange  "  is  shown  in  his  first  letter  to 
Vischer,  June  i,  1858,  which  he  wrote  upon  reading  his  "JEs- 
thetik,"  and  in  which  he  says:  "Permit  me  to  grasp  the  oppor- 
tunity offered  by  the  journey  of  my  friend  Kolatcek  to  approach 
you  also  personally,  after  a  union  and  intercourse  of  spirit,  at 
least  on  one  side,  has  long  existed.  I  feel  myself  all  the  more 
impelled  to  do  so,  since  I  have  recently  been  much  occupied 
with  your  Esthetics  and  have  thereby  discovered  that  the 
science  of  art,  even  though  not  popular,  can  still  be  intelligible. 
Do  not  be  surprised  by  the  fact  that  I,  who  have  long  since  and 
repeatedly  read  and  studied  your  Kritische  Gange  and  your 
other  essays,  have  not  until  now  come  to  your  principal  work."  * 

On  the  first  of  June,  1862,  he  accompanied  the  manuscript 
of  his  Nibelungen  trilogy  with  a  letter  to  Vischer,  containing 
the  following  acknowledgment  of  indebtedness :  "  Do  not  mar- 
vel that  I  am  sending  you  herewith  my  Nibelungen  tragedy. 
Conventionality,  which  perhaps  would  have  an  objection  to 
make,  shall  not  prevent  me  from  performing  a  sacred  duty  of 
gratitude. 

"  However  surprising  it  may  seem  to  you  in  the  first  moment, 
no  one  has  had  greater  influence  on  this  poem  than  you.  For 
years  your  Kritische  Gange,  with  their  splendid  essay  on  the 
Nibelungen,  have  not  disappeared  from  my  desk;  for  years, 
this  essay,  which  seemed  to  me  irrefutable,  stood  between  me 
and  my  youthful  wish,  and  even  though  in  the  end  I  did  not 
resist,  because  in  such  cases  it  is  indeed  impossible,  still  you 
have  had  an  important  influence  upon  the  execution;  for  if, 

1  Bw.  I.  258.  2  Bw.  II.  490. 


166 

as  the  judgments  of  Scholl,1  Hettner,2  and  others  give  me  cause 
to  hope,  I  should  not  entirely  have  failed  in  finding  the  right 
mean  in  the  principal  point  between  the  too  much  and  the  too 
little,  and  in  giving  to  the  forms  of  our  great  national  epic 
human  entrails,  without  taking  from  them  their  gigantic  out- 
lines, I  must  attribute  that  in  great  measure  to  the  force  of  your 
warnings  and  suggestions,  which  were  at  first  terrifying  but 
later  fructifying."3 

Vischer's  essay  begins  with  the  recommendation  of  the  Nibe- 
lungen  saga  and  an  appeal  for  a  composer  worthy  of  the  ma- 
terial, "I  should  like  to  attract  favor  to  the  Nibelungen  saga 
as  text  for  a  great  heroic  opera." 

Vischer's  fundamental  idea  is  that  art  must  be  based  upon 
history  as  the  real  stage  of  the  ideal.  Painting  has  left  the 
world  of  myth,  and  is  to  ascend  from  thence  to  the  great  tasks 
of  history.  Poetry  is  to  bring  to  perfection  the  political  drama. 
The  opera  has  made  sufficient  use  of  the  realm  of  subjective 
feelings  and  should  proceed  to  the  great  objective  feelings. 
The  musical  world  lacks  as  yet  its  Shakespere  and  its  Schiller, 
who  could  bring  the  political,  the  historical  drama  to  its  height. 
We  have  not  yet  had  the  music  which  such  a  material  demands. 
The  material  in  the  Nibelungen  saga,  while  not  really  historical, 
is  national,  that  is  the  first  thing  which  is  to  be  extolled  in  it. 

"The  Nibelungen  heroes  are  real  German  types  of  character, 
such  as  a  people  in  early  times  depicts  as  a  mirror  of  its  best 
moral  forces,  on  the  basis  of  not  further  recognizable  historic 
features.  German  gentleness  and  the  feared  and  lasting 
German  anger,  German  good  nature  and  fidelity,  which  de- 
clares itself  most  strongly  in  the  cast-iron  consequences  of  the 
tragic  punishment  of  infidelity,  the  spring  fragrance  of  love  and 
the  sword-clash  of  German  bravery,  tender  shyness  and  stub- 
born obstinacy,  dark  defiance,  finally,  the  deep  feeling  of  hu- 
manity and  fate  in  which  all  these  definite  strains  exist  as  in 
their  element:  this  is  the  broad  and  full  breast  of  our  most 
intimate  folk-nature,  which  in  this  eternal  poem  breathes  full 
and  sound.  These  features  of  our  moral  folk-world  appear 

1  Cf.  Bw.  II.  285,  392,  510  f.,  524.  2  Cf.  Ibid.  391  f. 

s  Ibid.  493;  cf.  Vischer,  406. 


167 

here,  however,  in  the  simplest  conditions,  with  the  most 
untainted  moral  concepts,  in  that  unbroken  and  unmixed  origi- 
nality, whereby  these  forms  appear  to  the  eye  of  modern  cul- 
ture as  roughly  hewn  giant-pictures.  Here  the  question  at 
once  arises  whether  such  pictures  are  capable  and  worthy  of 
fixing  the  dramatic  interest  of  an  age  which  has  now  to  produce 
its  effects  through  a  deeper,  more  complex  world,  and  which 
is  therefore  no  longer  served  by  such  simplicity.  .  .  .  Certain 
it  is  that  through  the  great  alienation  of  time  and  custom, 
the  material  has  become  quite  unsuitable  for  the  pure,  non- 
musical  drama.  ...  It  is  not  a  question  of  the  dramatic 
action  of  the  fable,  but  of  the  subjectivity  of  the  characters. 
Give  to  these  men  of  iron,  to  these  women  of  gigantic  mould, 
the  power  of  oratorical  expression  which  the  drama  requires, 
the  sophistry  of  passion  and  reflection,  the  capacity  of  explain- 
ing, justifying,  and  doubting  their  intentions,  which  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  the  dramatic  character,  and  they  are  un- 
done; their  greatness  is  so  inseparable  from  their  laconism, 
from  their  depth  pressed  back  in  silence  into  themselves,  from 
their  crudeness,  that  they  cease  to  be  what  they  are,  and  yet  do 
not  become  something  else  which  could  please  and  move  us." 

That  Hebbel  felt  the  direct  force  of  this  warning  is  shown  in 
his  own  words  to  Vischer,  and  in  a  letter  to  Hettner,  December 
8,  1861 :  "During  the  work  I  have  had  to  cast  nine-tenths  of 
my  best  thoughts  overboard,  and  that  is  not  particularly  easy, 
because  the  dramatic  thought  differs  from  every  other,  even 
from  the  poetic  thought  in  general  in  that,  once  cast  aside,  it 
can  never  again  be  utilized,  and  the  gleaming  gold-fish,  once 
released  from  the  net,  returns  to  the  depths  forever.  I  am 
really  proud  of  much  that  is  stiff  and  awkward,  for  example, 
of  Siegfried's  wooden  wooing,  which  would  be  unbearable  and 
mistaken,  if  it  were  not  conditioned  by  the  style  of  the  whole; 
but  it  was  the  very  alpha  and  omega  of  the  task  to  provide  the 
monstrous  figures  with  human  organs  without  depriving  them 
of  their  magnificent  outlines,  and  if  that  were  to  be  accomplished 
everywhere,  it  could  only  succeed  through  severe  and  rigorous 
treatment."  l 

1  Bw.  II.  391. 


168 

Vischer  emphasizes  the  desirability,  however,  of  making 
this  material  appeal  to  modern  feelings  without  sacrificing  the 
characters.  "We  need  more  than  the  Nibelungen;  for  the 
problems  of  our  times  we  can  learn  nothing  from  them  immedi- 
ately, they  are  not  in  the  least  political,  a  family  and  vassal 
history  on  a  grand  plane,  that  is  all,  but  in  this  simple  history 
the  eternal  fundamental  feelings  of  the  heart  speak  so  strongly 
that  this  draught  of  spring  water  cannot  fail  to  be  extremely 
wholesome  for  us.  ...  Self-portraiture  is  the  unavoidable 
leprosy  of  a  time  of  cultivated  subjectivity ;  it  can  be  only  bene- 
ficial for  us  to  see  once  again  human  beings  without  any." 

The  great  advantages  of  the  material  for  a  musical  drama 
are  its  very  simplicity  and  crudity,  in  that  the  music  can 
soften  these  elements  and  enrich  and  enlarge  the  simple  world 
of  feeling  of  these  silent,  rude  heroes  and  heroines,  without 
bringing  them  into  the  sphere  of  clear  self-consciousness. 
Again,  the  opera  may  have  greater  stage  magnificence  than 
the  drama,  so  that  the  opportunity  could  be  taken  for  repre- 
senting the  pomp  of  the  age  of  the  tourney  and  the  Minnesinger ; 
a  moderate  mixture  of  the  marvellous  is  the  third  advantage. 
Vischer's  suggestion  is  to  confine  this  mythical  element  to  the 
prophecy  of  the  mermaids,  and  he  advises  going  back  to  the 
original  curse  in  the  Edda.  The  treasure  must  only  be  made 
use  of  as  a  motive  of  renewed  injury,  when  Hagen  buries  it 
in  the  Rhine,  and  the  dwarfs  and  giants  as  guardians  of  the 
hoard  then  naturally  disappear  also.  Brunhilde  must  be  a 
human  woman,  as  in  the  Nibelungenlied,  but  her  virgin  defiance 
and  the  deadly  contests  may  remain  as  a  reminder  of  the  older 
Valkyrie-form  of  the  saga.  Sigfried  may  also  have  his  Tarn- 
kappe.  Vischer  thinks  through  this  moderate  mixture  of  the 
wonderful  to  gain  pure  humanness  of  the  motives,  and  yet  to 
retain  the  ominous  element  and  the  atmosphere  of  old  German 
heathendom. 

After  emphasizing  these  advantages  of  the  material,  Vischer 
dwells  upon  the  two  great  difficulties:  the  unclearness  of 
motives,  and  the  epic  massiveness  of  the  material,  the  first  of 
which  he  considers  by  far  the  more  important.  The  Nibe- 
lungenlied leaves  the  real  source  of  Brunhild's  hatred  for  Sieg- 


169 

fried  untold.  Yet  the  account  in  the  Edda  cannot  be  used,  for 
the  magic  potion  would  lead  one  too  far  and  a  mere  narration 
of  the  scene  would  be  too  unclear.  Neither  can  the  account 
hi  the  Nibelungenlied  be  fully  employed,  for  the  night-struggle 
cannot  be  made  use  of.  Yet  he  thinks  that  a  spirited  recita- 
tive might  narrate  how  Sigfried  with  his  Tarnkappe  helped  to 
win  Brunhilde;  for  the  rest,  the  Nibelungenlied  might  be  fol- 
lowed, in  that  Brunhilde  has  a  dark  presentiment,  and  a  deep, 
hidden  love  for  the  man  who,  if  her  presentiment  be  right, 
has  so  terribly  deceived  her.  Hagen  fosters  her  anger  from 
motives  of  loyalty  to  Gunther,  whose  majesty  is  overshadowed 
by  Sigfried's  bright  superiority.  In  the  quarrel  scene,  Chriem- 
hilde  may  show  a  ring  which  Sigfried  had  pulled  from  Brun- 
hilde's  hand  in  the  struggle,  and  had  later  given  to  Chriemhilde, 
and  she  may  express  the  suspicion  that  Brunhilde  had  secretly 
given  the  ring  to  Sigfried  and  only  followed  Gunther  in  order 
to  win  Sigfried's  love.  Thus  Brunhilde  learns  of  the  deceit, 
Hagen  fosters  her  passionate  hate,  and  the  two  determine  upon 
his  murder.  Sigfried's  guilt  thus  rests  in  not  fulfilling  the 
sacred  duty  of  silence. 

The  difficulty  in  the  epic  mass  of  the  material  might  be  over- 
come quite  as  the  Greeks  could  work  over  their  epic  into  dra- 
matic brevity.  Shakespere  compresses  the  wild  masses  of 
confused  Civil  War,  and  Schiller  the  floods  of  the  Thirty  Years' 
War,  within  dramatic  confines.  The  chief  difficulty  arising 
from  the  epic  lies  in  the  last  bloody  combat,  in  which  such 
large  numbers  of  people  take  part  according  to  the  Lied. 
Vischer's  suggestion  is  to  portray  this  struggle  in  a  few  prin- 
cipal situations,  and  to  force  the  great  noise  of  combat  into  the 
background. 

Then  follows  a  plan  for  the  entire  five  acts  of  the  opera, 
the  first  two  acts  portraying  Sigfried's  fate  and  acting  as  an 
exposition  for  the  final  bloody  catastrophe.  The  first  act 
begins  with  Gunther's  arrival  from  Iceland  with  his  bride, 
thus  cutting  out  practically  the  first  nine  cantos  of  the  Nibe- 
lungenlied. Chriemhilde's  secretly  cherished  love  for  Sigfried, 
and  Brunhilde's  ominous  suspicions  of  deceit  and  feelings  of 
love  for  him  come  to  light  at  once,  as  do  Hagen's  hatred  of 


170 

Sigfried,  and  the  union  of  Brunhilde  and  Hagcn  in  their  feel- 
ings towards  him.  The  second  scene  brings  the  confession 
of  love  between  Sigfried  and  Chriemhilde.  Sigfried,  without 
any  hesitation,  tells  Chriemhilde  of  the  combat  and  gives  her 
the  ring.  Chriemhilde  recalls  the  war  with  the  Saxons,  depicts 
her  anxiety,  and  confesses  how  she  secretly  inquired  of  the 
messengers  who  brought  the  first  news  of  the  victory.  Sig- 
fried tells  her  that  Gunther  has  promised  him  his  sister  as 
reward  for  his  assistance. 

Scene  iii.  brings  the  bridal  procession;  Sigfried  reminds 
Gunther  of  his  promise,  and  the  betrothal  takes  place.  All 
rejoice,  except  Brunhilde,  with  her  hatred  born  of  slighted  love, 
Hagen,  with  his  jealous  zeal  for  his  sovereign's  supremacy, 
and  Gunther,  with  his  dissatisfaction  at  not  having  won  Brun- 
hilde himself,  and  his  dim  presentiment  of  her  love  for  Sigfried. 

In  scene  iv.  immediate  preparations  are  made  for  the  double 
wedding,  without  a  change  of  scene  being  necessary.  Brun- 
hilde breaks  forth  in  scornful  speech  to  Chriemhilde,  placing 
Sigfried  far  below  Gunther.  Chriemhilde  retorts  in  anger, 
denies  her  the  right  of  precedence  in  entering  the  church,  and 
after  long  quarrelling  makes  her  awful  accusation,  and  shows 
the  ring.  Brunhilde  is  speechless,  but  for  the  time  unpleasant- 
nesses are  laid  aside  and  all  enter  the  church  except  Hagen. 

In  scene  v.  the  church  music  is  heard  during  the  pauses 
of  Hagen's  reflections,  in  which  he  already  harbors  thoughts 
of  murder.  The  procession  returns.  Vischer  omits  entirely 
Sigfried's  denial  of  Brunhilde's  angry  charges.  Brunhilde 
hastily  turns  back,  followed  by  Gunther,  and  all  three  deter- 
mine upon  Sigfried's  murder,  as  in  the  poem.  Vischer  omits 
the  vacillating  Gernot,  as  well  as  the  pretended  war  with  the 
Saxons.  Only  the  hunt  and  the  run  to  the  spring  are  planned. 
Vischer  also  insists  upon  omitting  the  cross  sewed  by  Chriem- 
hilde to  Sigfried's  garment,  because  the  mythical  feature  of 
Sigfried's  skin  of  horn,  which  is  only  vulnerable  in  one  spot, 
is  not  suitable  for  the  opera. 

Act  II. ,  scene  i.,  brings  the  parting  before  the  chase,  in  which 
Chriemhilde  in  vain  seeks  to  dissuade  Sigfried  from  the  expe- 
dition by  relating  her  two  dreams.  This  scene  would  practi- 


171 

cally  be  a  dramatization  of  stanzas  926  to  933  of  Canto  XVI. 
Scene  ii.  shows  a  forest  with  a  spring.  The  hunters  arrive, 
and  Sigfried  is  greeted  as  the  boldest  and  most  fortunate  of 
all.  Instead  of  introducing  the  motive  of  a  lack  of  wine, 
Vischer  has  Hagen  anger  Sigfried  by  the  assertion  that  he  must 
show  himself  first  in  running,  since  he  was  so  quick  on  horse- 
back, and  he  thus  motivates  the  contests  to  the  spring.  While 
Sigfried,  victorious  and  weaponless,  drinks,  Hagen  stabs  him. 
As  in  the  Lied,  Sigfried  fells  Hagen  with  his  shield,  and  then 
sinks  down  among  the  flowers.  The  dead  body  is  found  at 
Chriemhilde's  door  by  her  chamberlain,  and  the  remainder  of 
the  act  shows  Chriemhilde's  mourning,  and  her  certainty  of 
Hagen's  part  in  the  deed. 

Act  III.  depicts  the  ceremony  of  the  ordeal  of  the  bier  within 
the  cathedral.  Gunther  half  confesses  his  share  in  the  murder, 
but  refuses  Chriemhilde's  demand  to  punish  Hagen,  on  the 
ground  that  he  cannot  do  without  his  best  vassal.  After  the 
funeral  rites  are  over,  Hagen  persuades  Gunther  to  gain  pos- 
session of  the  hoard  and  sinks  it  in  the  Rhine,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent Chriemhilde  from  purchasing  vengeance  by  generosity. 
Immediately  after  Chriemhilde  has  learned  of  this  robbery, 
Riideger  comes  bringing  news  of  Etzel's  wooing,  and  wins  her 
hand  by  the  promise  of  revenge.  Hagen  understands  her 
willingness,  but  is  ready  for  whatever  the  future  may  have  in 
store  for  him. 

The  fourth  act  closely  follows  the  Nibelungenlied  from  the 
reception  of  Kriemhild's  messengers,  Canto  XXIV.,  to  her 
final  decision  to  spare  neither  friend  nor  foe,  and  her  promise 
of  Nudung's  widow  to  Blodelin  as  a  reward  for  his  pledged 
assistance.  The  five  scenes  include  the  incidents  with  the 
mermaids  and  the  boatman,  the  reception  at  Bechlaren  and 
betrothal  of  Giselher,  and  the  reception  in  the  land  of  the 
Huns,  the  oath  of  friendship  between  Hagen  and  Volker,  their 
holding  of  the  watch  through  the  night,  and  the  scene  between 
the  two  and  Chriemhilde:  "How  they  did  not  arise  before  the 
queen," 

Act  V.  depicts  the  final  catastrophe,  beginning  with  the 
banquet  scene  and  Dankwart's  entrance  in  his  bloody  armor, 


172 

following  the  Nibelungenlied  with  respect  to  the  part  taken 
in  the  combat  by  Riideger  and  Dietrich  with  his  men,  the  sep- 
aration of  Gunther  and  Hagen  as  prisoners,  Chriemhilde's  final 
demand  for  the  hoard,  her  appearance  with  Gunther's  head,  and 
her  slaying  of  Hagen.  Vischer  departs  from  the  Nibelungen- 
lied in  making  Dietrich  give  the  sign  which  causes  Hildebrand 
to  kill  her.  Dietrich's  closing  words  depict  the  bloody  course 
of  fate  which  has  taken  its  way  through  the  whole  action. 

Hebbel  accepted  several  of  Vischer's  suggestions,  and  it  is 
evident  from  his  own  statement  that  he  carefully  weighed  every 
difficulty  set  forth  by  the  aesthetician. 

Hebbel's  conception  of  Brunhild  is  based  upon  Vischer's 
suggestion  to  make  her  a  human  woman  with  reminders  of  her 
early  origin.  The  presentiment  of  Brunhild  which  Vischer 
insists  upon  is  in  part  transferred  by  Hebbel  to  the  character 
of  Frigga,  who  both  before  and  after  the  contests  realizes  that 
all  is  not  as  it  should  be.1 

Vischer  suggests  omitting  both  giants  and  dwarfs.  Heb- 
bel introduces  the  dwarfs  alone.2  Hebbel  omits  the  first  night's 
struggle  entirely,  and  the  second  one,  except  in  a  few  hints.3 
Hebbel  has  constantly  emphasized  Siegfried's  guilt  in  not 
maintaining  silence,  though  the  reason  for  his  fault  is  placed 
in  the  frank  openness  of  his  nature :  — 

Auch  dafiir  konnt'  er  Nichts, 
Dass  ihm  der  Witz  gebrach,  sich  auszureden, 
Er  ward  gewiss  schon  beim  Versuche  roth.4 

Hebbel  early  introduces  the  hoard  into  the  exposition  of  the 
play,  but  he  adapts  Vischer's  idea  of  letting  it  play  an  active 
r6le  only  as  it  forms  the  cause  of  renewed  injury  to  Kriemhild.5 
He  retains  the  prophecy  of  the  mermaids,  though  he  does  not 
introduce  them  upon  the  scene,  nor  does  he  confine  the  mythi- 
cal element  to  them.8 

3327  f.    Volker. 

1st  Kriemhild 
Noch  immer  traurig? 

1  Cf.  S.  T.  I.  ii.;  II.  vi.  2  S.  T.  II.  vii.  *  S.  T.  II.  viii.;  III.  iii 

4  1905-1907;  cf.  2078-2081  (quoted  p.  178),  2425  f.,  2434-2439,  2464. 
6  K.  R.  I.  ii.,  III.  vii.,  IV.  vii.  •  K.  R.  II.  i. 


173 

Vischer  426.  IV.  iv.  At  the  reception  of  the  Burgundians  by 
Dietrich,  he  answers :  — 

"auf  ihre  fllisternde  Frage,  ob  Chriemhilde  noch  immer 
den  Siegfried  beweine,  mit  einem  bedenklichen,  waraenden 
Winke." 

K.  R.  IV.  i.,  iii.  Vischer  suggests  placing  the  scene,  Av.  29, 
"  Wie  er  niht  g6n  ihr  uf  stuont,"  after  the  scene,  Av.  30,  "  Wie  si 
der  Schiltwaht  pflagen."  Hebbel  combines  the  two  scenes  by 
including  the  incident  with  Kriemhild  within  the  compass  of 
the  larger  scene.  He  thus  accepts  Vischer's  suggestion  of 
having  Hagen's  arrogant  conversation  with  the  queen  form  the 
last  stage  before  the  final  catastrophe.  Hebbel  has  also  ac- 
cepted Vischer's  suggestion  to  have  Volker  and  Hagen  repulse 
the  first  band.1 

2161-2163.    Hagen. 

So  sage  ich  Dir  Eins: 
Sie  liegt  in  seinem  Bann,  und  dieser  Hass 
Hat  seinen  Grund  in  Liebe ! 

Vischer  points  out  that  the  fragmentary  account  of  the  re- 
lations between  Sigfried  and  Brunhilde,  as  related  in  the  Nibe- 
lungenlied,  cannot  be  used,  and  that  the  Eddie  love  potion  is 
also  not  to  be  thought  of,  yet  Brunhilde's  nature  must  be  filled 
with  love  for  the  man  who  deceived  her.  Hebbel  says  of  his 
Brunhild  that  her  whole  being  is  love  for  Siegfried,  and  though 
this  fact  is  only  once  brought  to  actual  expression  by  Hagen, 
it  is  none  the  less  to  be  regarded  as  the  actuating  motive  of  the 
Brunhild  at  Worms. 

K.  R.  V.    Volker. 

(Vor  dem  Saal.  ...  Er  ist  rings  mit  Amelungen- 
Schutzen  umstellt.  Zu  dem  Saale  juhren  von  beiden  Seiten 
breite  Stiegen  hinauf,  die  in  einem  Balkan  zusammenstossen.) 

Vischer,  431,  V.  ii.  "It  is  self-evident  that  the  prolonged 
and  constantly  renewed  turmoil  of  physical  combat  does  not 
belong  on  the  stage,  and  that  it  is  to  be  reduced  to  a  few  prin- 
cipal situations.  Hence  the  opera  presents  only  one  portion 
of  the  combat  to  immediate  view  in  the  previous  scene"  (that 

1  4287  f.,  4342  f. 


174 

is,  directly  after  Etzel's  departure);  "the  remainder  requires 
another  arrangement  which  is  so  constructed  that  only  the 
noise  of  the  conflict  is  heard  from  afar.  Hence  Iring's  fight 
is  omitted  (Av.  36),  and  only  the  most  important  scenes  are 
emphasized,  Riideger's  fight,  the  fight  with  Dietrich's  warriors, 
Dietrich's  victory  over  Hagen  and  Gunther.  .  .  .  The  build- 
ing in  which  the  Nibelungcn  lodge  and  fight  is  thus  in  the 
background,  a  stairway  in  two  arms  leads  to  its  entrance,  into 
it  throng  those  who  are  to  fight  with  the  Nibelungen,  and  the 
clashing  and  raging  of  the  combat  is  heard  as  from  a  portico 
which  is  imagined  behind  the  entrance.  The  Nibelungen  can- 
not venture  into  the  open,  because  they  would  otherwise  be 
surrounded  and  crushed  by  a  superior  force. 

"Now  they  stand  mocking  and  challenging  on  the  steps  and 
under  the  windows." 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  creative  value  of  Vischer's  sugges- 
tions for  Hebbel  was  chiefly  in  the  advice  for  treating  the  ma- 
terial as  a  whole,  and  not  in  his  actual  plan,  which,  written,  as 
it  was,  with  a  thought  only  of  opera  and  planned  by  a  critic 
rather  than  by  a  poet,  was  unsuited  to  Hebbel's  needs.  It 
is  true  that  Hebbel  in  several  instances  divides  his  scenes  and 
groups  his  material  according  to  Vischer's  plan,  but  in  most 
cases  such  a  division  of  scenes  is  so  obvious  when  the  entire 
Nibelungenlied  is  to  be  brought  into  the  compass  of  a  dramatic 
composition,  that  Hebbel  can  scarcely  be  thought  of  as  bor- 
rowing the  idea  from  Vischer. 

Besides  Hebbel's  expressed  acknowledgment  of  indebtedness 
to  Vischer  and  Hettner,  and  to  Franz  Dingelstedt  for  his  sug- 
gestion of  an  added  scene  in  "Kriemhilds  Rache,"  we  have 
the  assertion  of  Friedrich  Uhl,  editor-in-chief  of  the  Kaiser- 
liche  Wiener  Zeitung  that  it  was  he  who  spurred  Hebbel  to 
actual  work  on  the  "Nibelungen."1  But  probably  the  most 
important  influence  from  among  Hebbel's  immediate  circle 
of  critic-friends  was  that  of  Wilhelm  Gartner,  for  Hebbel  ac- 
knowledges hints  from  him  for  his  "  Gyges,"  and  from  the  very 
nature  of  Gartner's  interests  and  occupations,  as  well  as  from 
the  fact  that  they  were  much  together  during  the  summer  of 

1  Deutsche  Dramaturgic,  I. 


175 

1855?  at  Gmunden,  they  must  have  discussed  the  subject.  In 
1853,  Gartner  lectured  at  the  University  of  Pest  on  the  Nibe- 
lungenlied,  and,  in  1857,  he  published  his  work,  "Chuonrad, 
Pralat  von  Gottweih  und  das  Nibelungenlied,"  in  which  he 
contends  for  the  unity  of  the  epic  and  criticises  it  with  an  eye 
of  true  scholarship  that  Hebbel  knew  how  to  appreciate,  and 
which  doubtless  affected  HebbePs  attitude  towards  the  poem.1 

1  Cf.  Werner,  "  Hebbel,  Ein  Lebensbild,"  326  f.,  and  Hebbel's  criticism  of 
Gartner's  book,  June,  1863,  W.  X.  344-350.  Hebbel  first  saw  the  work  in 
November,  1856;  cf.  Bw.  II.  116. 


CHAPTER    V 
SOME  SPECIAL  ASPECTS   OF  HEBBEL'S  WORK 

I.    INVENTIONS 

CERTAIN  of  Hebbel's  inventions  have  of  necessity  been  re- 
ferred to  under  his  use  of  the  Norse  myth  and  saga  and  of 
history  and  folk-lore.  Occasionally  these  additions  motivate 
and  explain,  as  in  the  details  concerning  Siegfried's  first  visit 
to  Brunhild;  sometimes  they  are  evidently  intended  to  add 
to  the  mystery  and  gloom  of  the  atmosphere;  in  many  cases 
they  are  minor  additions  which  are  sometimes  confusing  and 
seemingly  capricious.  Hebbel's  longer  inventions,  however, 
are  almost  entirely  added  for  purposes  of  motivation,  or  of 
character  delineation,  and  particularly  for  the  ennobling  of 
certain  characters:  those  of  Kriemhild,  Siegfried,  Giselher, 
and  even  of  Gunther  and  Hagen  in  the  Burgundian  group; 
and  of  Dietrich,  Etzel,  and  Rudeger  in  the  Hunnish  group. 

Thus  Hagen's  character  receives  its  exposition  in  the  first 
scene  of  the  Prologue,  and  is  continually  expounded  and 
strengthened  by  minor  inventions,  as,  for  example,  the  compari- 
son which  Kriemhild  makes  between  him  and  Siegfried. 

Hebbel  explains,  also,  Siegfried's  power  over  Brunhild, 
and  invents  the  stories  of  her  origin  and  Siegfried's  to  point 
out  their  import  and  their  relation  to  each  other.  The  two 
mystical  visions  in  the  play  are  pure  inventions:  Brunhild's, 
to  point  out  her  supernatural  gifts  and  significance;  Volker's, 
to  shadow  forth  in  hazy  outline  the  early  history  of  the  destruc- 
tion-bringing hoard,  that  "mystic,  primitive  basis  of  the  whole." 
Brunhild  knows  faintly  of  her  destiny,  while  Frigga  has  a  com- 
plete though  questioningly  uncertain  knowledge  from  the  runes. 
Hence,  she  realizes  the  deceit  as  soon  as  she  hears  that  Siegfried 

176 


177 

possesses  the  hoard  and  Balmung.  Hebbel  invents,  too,  the 
motivation  for  Brunhild's  non-appearance  after  Siegfried's 
murder  in  her  actions  following  his  death. 

Practically  all  the  necessary  steps  for  the  explanation  of  the 
action  beyond  the  relationship  of  Siegfried  to  Brunhild  are 
given  in  the  epic,  but  Hebbel  has  added  or  changed  a  motive 
here  or  there  which  ennobles  the  characters  and  makes  them 
more  appealing  and  convincing.  Thus  Siegfried's  brusk  chal- 
lenge to  Gunther  is  explained  by  the  lines :  — 

Und  hattest  Du  Dein  Reich  an  mich  verloren, 
Du  hatt'st  es  Dir  zuriickgekauft  mil  ihr.1 

And  he  eagerly  substitutes  a  challenge  to  a  test  of  strength  by 
means  of  games  for  the  proposed  contest  in  arms. 

Siegfried's  knowledge  of  the  way  to  Brunhild's  castle  is 
explained  by  the  former  visit  from  which  he  departed  unseen, 
and  which  thus  leaves  him  without  guilt  or  perfidy  towards 
her;  his  slaying  of  Niblung's  two  sons  is  also  made  excusable 
by  the  fact  that  he  divided  the  hoard  twice  to  satisfy  their 
demands,  and  that  they,  more  angry  at  the  second  division 
than  before,  rushed  at  him  with  drawn  swords,  while  Siegfried 
grasped  in  self-defence  the  sword  Balmung  which  lay  among 
the  treasure :  — 

Und  eh'  ich's  dachte,  hatten  alle  Beide, 
Wie  Eber,  welche  blind  auf's  Eisen  laufen, 
Sich  selbst  gespiesst,  obgleich  ich  liegen  blieb 
Und  ihrer  schonte.3 

Similarly,  Siegfried's  character  is  elevated  by  his  unwilling- 
ness to  assist  in  the  second  conquest  of  Brunhild,  and  in  his 
yielding  only  after  Hagen's  long  and  urgent  appeal.  The 
entire  new  scene  with  the  girdle,  in  which  Siegfried  is  forced  to 
tell  its  secret  against  his  will,  because  of  his  former  careless 
haste,  and  because  of  his  utter  inability  to  be  untruthful,  ex- 
plains Kriemhild's  knowledge  of  the  mysterious  wooing,  tells 
of  the  knowledge  of  Siegfried's  vulnerable  spot,  which  the 
Nibelungenlied  leaves  unexplained,  and  adds  to  the  exposition 
of  Siegfried's  character.  Sieglinde,  Kriemhild,  and  Hagen 
'513*-  '565-568. 


178 

understand  Siegfried  best:  Sieglinde  and  Kriemhild  from  their 
love;  Hagen  from  his  hate,  from  the  very  likeness  in  absolute 
unlikeness  between  their  two  natures.  Together,  they  give 
us  in  a  few  lines  the  typical  features  of  his  nature.  Siegfried 
repeats  the  words  which  Sieglinde  has  uttered  in  loving  jest: — 

Sie  sagt,  ich  sei  zwar  stark  genug,  die  Welt 
Mir  zu  erobern,  aber  viel  zu  dumm, 
Den  kleinsten  Maulwurfshiigel  zu  behaupten, 
Und  wenn  ich  nicht  die  Augen  selbst  verlore, 
So  lag's  allein  an  der  Unmoglichkeit.1 

Kriemhild,  angered  at  Siegfried's  evasions  of  the  truth, 
exclaims :  — 

Ein  Mann,  wie  Du,  kann  keinen  Fehler 
Begeh'n,  der  ihn,  wie  schlimm  er  immer  sei, 
Nicht  doch  noch  besser  kleidet,  als  die  Luge, 
Womit  er  ihn  bedecken  will ! 2 

while  Hagen  puts  into  words  the  honestly  frank  simplicity  of 
Siegfried's  nature:  — 

Wenn  man  durchsichtig  ist,  wie  ein  Insect, 
Das  roth  und  griin  erscheint,  wie  seine  Speise, 
So  muss  man  sich  vor  Heimlichkeiten  hiiten, 
Denn  schon  das  Eingeweide  schwatzt  sie  aus !  * 

Siegfried's  character  is  ennobled,  too,  by  his  gentleness  after 
the  quarrel:  — 

Wenn  mich  nichts  And'res  an  den  bosen  Tag 
Mehr  mahnte,  war'  er  schon  ein  Traum  fur  mich : 
Mein  Gatte  hat  mir  jedes  Wort  erspart !  * 

The  scene  between  Brunhild  and  Gunther  which  follows 
the  girdle  episode  gives  an  excellent  opportunity  to  depict  the 
ominous  feelings  of  Brunhild  and  her  desire  to  be  rid  of  Sieg- 
fried and  Kriemhild;  to  see  Siegfried  humiliated;  to  have  a 
proof  of  Gunther's  superiority  before  her  eyes,  which  are  al- 
ready clouded  with  gloomy  presentiments.  After  the  quarrel 
scene,  Frigga  is  at  hand  to  explain  the  deceit  and  prompt  to 
vengeance,  the  thought  of  which  Brunhild  eagerly  seizes  upon.5 

1  1204-1208.  3  2078-2081.        5  S.  T.  III.  vii.,  xi. 

2  1487-1490.  *  1962-1964. 


179 

A  good  and  natural  addition  is  Siegfried's  eagerness  for  a  hunt 
before  he  learns  of  the  pretended  war  with  the  Danes  and 
Saxons.  He  is  desirous  of  the  joy  of  the  chase,  and  anxious, 
moreover,  to  secure  the  safety  of  the  tenants  who  are  molested 
by  the  devastations  of  the  wild  animals.1 

Act  IV.,  scenes  iii.  and  iv.,  expound  still  further  the  character 
of  Hagen,  his  cunning  and  determined  planning  for  revenge, 
and  the  vacillating,  hesitating  Gunther,  who  is  given  the  fear- 
ful choice  between  Siegfried  and  Brunhild,  a  fact  which  em- 
phasizes the  whole  terrible  situation,  with  its  necessarily  tragic 
outcome.  Giselher  is  raised  to  a  real  character  in  Hebbel's 
play,  a  gracious  expression  of  love  and  loyalty.  The  series 
of  occurrences  at  the  end  of  Act  IV.,  expressing  Kriemhild's 
fears  and  anxieties,  and  the  attitudes  of  Giselher  and  Gerenot 
and  Frigga,  have  been  touched  upon.  The  splendid  fifth 
act  of  "Siegfrieds  Tod"  utilizes  every  opportunity  for  por- 
traying the  emotions  which  fill  Kriemhild's  soul  both  before 
and  after  she  learns  of  the  murder. 

Hebbel  very  naturally  gives  Ute  the  r61e  of  comforter,  while 
in  the  Nibelungenlied  it  is  Siegmund  who  is  Kriemhild's  coun- 
sellor and  friend. 

The  family  scene  to  which  we  are  introduced  in  the  first  act 
of  "  Kriemhilds  Rache "  offers  us  a  picture  of  the  discord 
which  has  existed  since  Siegfried's  death,  and  this  discord  is 
reflected  throughout  the  entire  play,  although  the  old  Ger- 
manic doctrine  of  fidelity  and  blood  loyalty  relegate  it  to  the 
background,  so  soon  as  danger  threatens. 

The  following  scenes,  in  which  Ute,  instead  of  Margrave 
Gere,  goes  to  tell  the  news  of  Etzel's  wooing  to  Kriemhild, 
are  largely  inventions:  Kriemhild's  devotion  to  her  animal 
pets,  her  conversation  with  Ute  showing  her  attitude  towards 
them  and  towards  her  son,  and  whatever  details  of  her  life 
since  Siegfried's  death  were  not  told  in  the  earlier  scenes,  but 
which  we  need  to  know  for  the  understanding  of  her  sufferings 
and  emotions.  Her  discovery  of  the  fact  that  Hagen  is  afraid 
and  has  advised  against  the  wooing,  her  renewed  attempts 
to  obtain  justice  from  Gunther,  all  are  additions  of  the  poet, 
1 1789  ff.,  2500  ff. 


180 

which  serve  to  bring  out  in  ever  clearer  outlines  the  developing 
Kriemhild  in  her  sorrowing  love  and  hatred. 

There  is  much  that  is  new,  also,  in  the  scenes  at  Bechlarn, 
which  present  to  us  in  charming  detail  the  naively  delightful 
figure  of  Gudrun,  who,  for  a  moment,  in  her  shamefacedness, 
involuntarily  plays  the  r61e  of  a  deaf-and-dumb  maiden,  and 
thus  gives  Riideger  occasion  to  test  Giselher's  love.  They 
cast  a  new  and  lingering  light  on  her  betrothal  with  Giselher, 
as  well  as  upon  the  warning  of  Dietrich.  Volker  here  delib- 
erately plans  to  win  Etzel's  most  honorable  vassal  for  a  friend, 
and  playfully  arouses  Giselher  to  the  point  of  declaring  the 
love  which  has  filled  his  breast  since  he  first  saw  Gudrun. 
Hagen,  too,  indicates  his  growing  presentiments,  and  Riide- 
ger his  absolute  innocence  of  intention  to  do  wrong  to  any 
Burgundian. 

The  third  act  brings  Kriemhild's  renewed  promises  of  re- 
ward to  the  two  minstrel  messengers,  by  which  she  has  won 
their  services,  and  repeats  the  expression  of  her  desire  for  ven- 
geance, but  on  Hagen  alone.  The  scene  between  Kriemhild 
and  Etzel,  in  which  he  bids  her  command  as  she  will  in  regard 
to  reception  and  entertainment,  motivates  the  non-appearance 
of  Etzel  to  greet  his  guests,  which  the  epic  leaves  unex- 
plained, and  which  causes  Hagen  and  Volker  to  wonder,  and 
to  agree  that  Etzel  himself  is  true,  and  that  he  was  simply 
prevented  from  following  his  natural  inclinations  to  receive  the 
Burgundians. 

Many  of  the  minor  additions  in  "Kriemhilds  Rache,"  as 
well  as  such  scenes  as  this  between  Kriemhild  and  Etzel,  bring 
out  effectually  the  character  of  the  latter,  who  nowhere  receives 
such  justice  as  at  Hebbel's  hands.  He  is  not  an  ineffectual 
dummy,  but  a  world-conqueror,  whose  spirit  of  fire  and  blood 
has  been  cooled  to  that  of  a  kind  and  generous  ruler,  but  whose 
savage  instincts  break  forth  when  once  he,  too,  is  stung.  Ab- 
solutely innocent  of  all  knowledge  or  intention  of  wrong  against 
the  Burgundians,  he  is  yet  willing  to  avenge  Kriemhild's  suffer- 
ings when  he  sees  how  matters  stand.  But  even  then  he  is 
only  willing  to  employ  the  fair  means  of  open  combat,  after 
they  are  no  longer  his  guests,  and  he  is  not  aroused  from  his 


181 

endeavors  to  preserve  peace  until  the  slaying  of  his  own  son. 
So  in  the  case  of  Dietrich,  the  Christian  hero,  the  entire  play 
teems  with  lines  or  scenes  which  elevate  him  to  a  plane  where 
he  is  worthy  to  be  intrusted  with  the  sword  of  Fate. 

Act  III.,  scene  viii.,  is  largely  based  upon  the  epic  account  of 
Hagen's  reception  by  Kriemhild,  but  certain  significant  fea- 
tures belong  to  the  dramatic  poet.  Upon  Hagen's  refusal  to 
lay  aside  his  weapons,  Kriemhild  angrily  exclaims:  — 

Em  Jeder  wahlt  sein  Zeichen,  wie  er  will, 

Ihr  tretet  unter  dem  des  Blutes  ein, 

Doch  merkt  Euch :   wer  da  trotzt  auf  eig'nen  Schutz, 

Der  ist  des  fremden  quitt,  und  damit  gut; l 

at  which  Hagen  defiantly  asks  Riideger  to  present  himself  to 
Kriemhild  as  their  " Blutsfreund,"  and  adds:  — 

Die  Hochzeit  erst,  wenn  Du  gesegnet  hast ! 

Thus  baffled  in  her  first  attempt  to  place  Hagen  at  her  mercy, 
and  stung  by  his  mocking  deference,  she  turns  to  Riideger 
and  bids  him  remember  his  vow:  — 

Herr  Riideger,  gedenkt  Ihr  Eures  Schwurs? 
Die  Stunde  naht,  wo  Ihr  ihn  losen  miisst.2 

Act  IV.,  scene  iv.,  again  enlarges  upon  the  character  of  the 
chief  actors  in  the  tragedy:  Kriemhild  makes  her  last  vain 
appeal  for  justice,  and  is  amazed  to  see  Gerenot  and  Giselher 
take  their  stand  with  Hagen  for  life  or  death,  while  Hagen  and 
Kriemhild  expound  their  own  characters:  Hagen  in  describ- 
ing his  feelings  for  Siegfried,  and  in  accusing  Kriemhild  of  the 
greater  guilt;  Kriemhild,  in  her  description  of  the  horrors  of 
the  marriage  without  love,  but  with  only  a  prompting  thought 
of  vengeance.  Here  she  first  sees  the  necessity  of  a  wider 
range  for  her  revenge,  but  she  has  passed  the  point  of  ability 
to  endure,  and  Hebbel  makes  her  say  in  parting :  — 

Und  miisst'  ich  hundert  Briider  nieder  hauen, 
Um  mir  den  Weg  zu  Deinem  Haupt  zu  bahnen, 
So  wiird'  ich's  thun,  damit  die  Welt  erfahre, 
Dass  ich  Die  Treue  nur  um  Treue  brach.3 

1  4100-4103.  2  4123  f.  8  4514-4517. 


182 

A  new  feature  of  beauty  is  the  attempt  to  send  Giselher  out 
of  danger.  Hagen  at  once  advises  him  to  set  out  for  Bechlarn, 
and  Kriemhild,  too,  attempts  to  form  a  plan  with  Riideger 
for  keeping  him  away  from  Etzel's  court,  or  at  least  from  the 
impending  conflict.  He  who  remained  most  faithful  to  her, 
who  aided  her  in  sending  her  child  to  Siegmund,  is  at  last  her 
one  concern.  Even  at  the  end,  she  asks :  — 

Was  ist  mit  Giselher? 

And  to  Hildebrant's  answer,  "  Er  liegt,"  she  replies:  — 
Er  liegt?    Nun  wohl,  so  ist  es  aus. 

Scene  vii.,  between  Etzel  and  Dietrich,  which  was  added  at 
Dingelstedt's  suggestion,  brings  Etzel  to  clearness  as  to  the 
situation,  and  shows  the  characters  of  the  bold,  defiant  Bur- 
gundians,  while  it  determines  Etzel  to  take  a  part  in  accom- 
plishing Kriemhild's  desires.  Scene  vii.  brings  Kriemhild's 
demand  of  Hagen's  head  from  Etzel.  If  only  he  had  not 
hindered,  she  could  have  achieved  her  purpose,  but  since  he 
overlooks  Volker's  misdeed,  and  refuses  to  allow  the  tourney, 
where  she  had  counted  on  strife,  and  since  he  now  refuses  to 
comply  with  her  ideas  of  vengeance,  she  deliberately  lays 
another  and  more  terrible  plan.  Scene  xviii.,  between  Dietrich 
and  Riideger,  brings  out  their  hopes  and  their  fears,  and  sym- 
bolically shadows  forth  the  significance  of  the  coming  combat 
in  the  former's  tale  of  the  Nixies. 

Act  V.,  scene  v.,  between  Dietrich  and  Hildebrant,  is  a  prepa- 
ration for  the  finale,  and  explains  Dietrich's  position  at  Etzel's 
court.  Here  we  have  the  Christian  hero's  view  of  the  right 
and  wrong  of  the  combat:  — 

Hier  hat  sich  Schuld  in  Schuld  zu  tief  verbissen, 
Als  dass  man  noch  zu  Einem  sagen  konnte: 
Tritt  Du  zuriick !    Sie  stehen  gleich  im  Recht. 
Wenn  sich  die  Rache  nicht  von  selbst  erbricht 
Und  sich  vom  letzten  Bracken  schaudernd  wendet, 
So  stopft  ihr  Keiner  mehr  den  grausen  Schlund.1 

The  burning  of  the  hall  is  partially  motivated  by  the  refusal 
of  the  Burgundians  to  give  up  the  dead  Huns,  even  Etzel's 

1 5038-5043- 


183 

child,  while  Etzel  explains  the  combat  in  the  hall  as  taking 
place  at  the  request  of  the  Huns. 

The  important  place  given  to  the  struggle  between  heathen- 
dom and  Christianity  is  treated  separately.  Here  may  be  indi- 
cated the  scenes  which  Hebbel  has  added  to  emphasize  the  role 
of  religion  in  the  play:  "Siegfrieds  Tod,"  Act  II.,  scene  v., 
between  the  chaplain  and  Siegfried,  on  the  subject  of  Brun- 
hild's baptism;  Act  IV.,  scene  viii.,  between  the  chaplain, 
Kriemhild,  and  Ute,  in  which  he  expounds  the  Christian  faith; 
and  Act  IV.,  scene  ix.,  first  half,  where  the  chaplain  further 
elucidates  the  Christian  precepts,  and  points  to  Him  who  has 
said,  "Vengeance  is  mine,"  and  to  Him  who  bore  much  greater 
wrong  and  suffering  than  Kriemhild  endures.  "Kriemhilds 
Rache"  introduces  the  wandering  penitent,  whom  Dietrich 
explains  to  Hagen  in  scene  xxi. 

There  is  a  group  of  minor  additions  which  may  be  classed 
under  the  head  of  modern  touches;  they  scarcely  add  to  the 
motivation,  but  often  lend  a  charm  to  the  pictures  of  family 
life,  or  an  added  grace  and  tenderness  to  the  love  scenes.  Such 
are  the  roguish  teasing  of  Giselher  before  and  during  Siegfried's 
wooing  and  Ute's  motherly  reproof,  Ute's  welcoming  words 
to  Brunhild,  Gunther's  deference  to  his  mother's  opinion  in 
choosing  a  husband  for  Kriemhild,  Siegfried's  shy  awkward- 
ness before  Kriemhild,  the  tender  love-making  of  the  girdle 
scene,  Ute's  comparison  of  Kriemhild  to  a  rose  stalk  that  bears 
both  red  and  white  flowers,  Brunhild's  change  of  heart  towards 
Gunther  until  she  learns  of  the  deception,  as  well  as  her  request 
to  be  taken  for  a  child  and  taught  as  such. 

Of  the  characters,  the  only  important  invention  is  Frigga, 
whose  part  in  the  tragedy  is  to  point  out  and  explain  the  mys- 
tery of  Brunhild's  birth  and  life,  to  represent  the  old  gods, 
and  to  protect  as  well  as  supplement  her  charge.  Wulf  and 
Truchs  are  simply  two  of  the  Burgundian  knights  who  are  given 
names  to  tell  of  the  bringing  of  the  hoard  and  to  offer  a  sugges- 
tion of  coming  discord.  The  Pilgrim  is  rather  a  symbolic 
feature  than  a  character,  and  was  suggested  by  Tieck's  account 
of  the  legendary  knight  Guy  of  Warwick  in  his  "  Dichterleben."1 

1  Tgb.  I.  431- 


184 

Additions  which  throw  a  biographical  light  upon  Hebbel 
are  rare,  and  centre  chiefly  about  Kriemhild's  words  regarding 
her  squirrels,  which  form  a  memorial  to  Hebbel's  pets.1  Heb- 
bel's  love  for  dogs,  next  to  squirrels  his  favorite  animals,  is 
also  testified  to  in  Kriemhild's  praise  of  the  devotion  of  Sieg- 
fried's faithful  hound.2  Hebbel  pays  tribute,  as  well,  to  his 
great  love  for  the  violet  above  all  other  flowers,  in  the  scene 
welcoming  Brunhild  to  Worms.  But  few  critics  have  not  con- 
ceded the  charm  of  the  picture  where  Brunhild  discovers  for 
herself  the  violet  and  its  perfume.3  "Mutter  und  Kind," 
the  writing  of  which  was  in  part  contemporaneous  with  the 
composition  of  the  "  Nibelungen,"  arose  to  a  large  extent  while 
Hebbel  was  picking  violets  in  the  Prater.  Whenever  he  had 
finished  a  nosegay,  he  had  thirty  to  sixty  hexameters  in  his 
mind.  In  the  fourth  song,  he  felt  that  some  of  the  fragrance 
of  the  violet  had  been  distilled  into  his  verses.  He  also  re- 
cords his  joy  in  discovering  these  first  harbingers  of  spring, 
his  delight  in  plucking  the  first  three  violets  for  his  wife  on  her 
birthday,  just  as  in  "Genoveva"  Golo  picks  the  first  violet  to 
bring  to  the  countess.4 

Next  to  violets,  Hebbel  loved  roses,  and  he  employs  them 
in  figure  and  description.  Kriemhild's  mourning  is  so  great 
that  she  avoids  every  pleasure:  — 

Und  war's  auch  nur  ein  Blick  in's  Abendroth 
Oder  auf  s  Blumenbeet  zur  Zeit  der  Rosen.5 

Her  commission  to  Giselher,  to  prevent  him  from  being  a 
part  of  the  general  disaster,  would  be  to  pluck  a  rose  from 
each  garden  that  he  passes  and  to  place  the  nosegay  in  her 
name  on  the  breast  of  his  betrothed.8 

1  2959-2964;  cf.  Nachl.  II.  203;  Tgb.  IV.  5743;  for  other  references  to  his 
squirrels,  cf.  Tgb.  IV.  5726,  5736,  5922,  5928,  5937-5939,  5945,  5968,  6139, 
6170,6214;  XV.  18;  Bw.  I.  346;  II.  64, 432, 507  ff. ;  Nachl.  II.  141, 143,  169, 174, 
202  f.;   W.  VI.  434-437;  Kulke,  26  f. 

2  2967  ff.;  cf.  W.  VI.  408-410;  Bw.  II.  432. 
8  1133-1145. 

4  Act  II.  1120-1122;  cf.  Tgb.  IV.  5428;  Bw.  II.  118,  233,  267. 
1  2756  f. 

'4631  ff.,  cf.  1423-1426,  2580-2582, 3332  f.,  3619,  45*9;  Bw-  n-  ios; 

Nachl.  I.  138;  W.  VI.  229,  259,  277. 


185 

These  biographical  touches  are,  however,  unimportant 
minor  additions,  and  do  no  more  than  lend  a  passing  gleam 
of  color  to  the  dramatic  picture.  It  is  in  his  treatment  of  the 
great  problems  involved  in  the  subject-matter,  in  his  method 
of  dealing  with  these  problems,  that  we  must  chiefly  seek  the 
personality  and  genius  of  Hebbel.  It  is  this  treatment  which 
makes  of  the  trilogy  a  product  of  creative  literature  and  not 
merely  a  reproduction  of  old  tales  in  new  phrasings.  It  is 
true  that  we  see  Hebbel's  genius  in  his  manner  of  selection  and 
grouping  of  material,  in  his  change  and  addition  of  motives, 
but  it  is  in  his  deepening  and  intensifying  of  certain  psychologi- 
cal problems,  in  the  treatment  of  his  material  so  as  to  make 
its  background  a  great  world-problem,  that  we  see  Hebbel, 
the  dramatist  of  struggle  and  conflict ;  the  dramatist  of  woman, 
passionate,  wronged,  suffering,  atoning.  And  this  treatment 
must  be  regarded  in  the  light  of  Hebbel's  other  writings,  and 
of  his  expressed  views  on  certain  vital  problems. 


2.     TREATMENT  OF  WOMAN 

In  going  back  to  the  nebulous  world  of  saga,  Hebbel  was 
not,  like  Fouque',  impelled  by  the  "joy  of  the  Romanticist  in 
his  new-found  material,"  he  was  rather  attracted  by  the  prob- 
lems which  he  saw  embosomed  in  the  dark  epic  mass  of  his 
half-historical,  half-mythical,  wholly  human  material;  prob- 
lems which  he  had  dealt  with  in  various  forms  from  his  "  Ju- 
dith" to  his  "Gyges,"  and  which  were  for  him  the  supreme 
problems  of  dramatic  as  of  human  interest.  In  Kriemhild 
was  offered  him  the  opportunity  of  depicting  the  supreme 
struggle  of  a  woman's  soul;  in  the  downfall  of  Burgundians 
and  Huns  he  saw  the  opportunity  of  depicting  the  supreme 
religious  struggle,  a  religious  struggle  that  would  be  partly 
symbolic,  and  that  would  be  wholly  unconscious  in  its  inward 
significance  to  the  principal  participants,  but  which  would 
raise  the  court  and  family  history  to  a  universal  drama. 

Here,  too,  he  had  in  the  heart  of  his  material  that  use  of  the 
mystical  which  he  considered  so  important  a  part  of  dramatic 


186 

production,  and  which  was  here  so  absolutely  combined  with 
the  human  interest.  And  not  only  were  the  problems  ready 
for  his  moulding  hand,  but  the  characters  were  already  drawn ; 
so  that  his  work  was  not  to  create  characters  or  even  to  recon- 
struct them,  but  rather  to  exalt  them,  while  retaining  their 
simplicity,  to  intensity  and  to  vivify  the  forms  of  the  epic,  to 
deepen  their  psychological  import,  and  to  give  to  them  dra- 
matic outlines. 

All  of  these  tasks  which  Hebbel  saw  for  his  creative  genius 
in  the  dramatization  of  the  Nibelungen  epic  appealed  to  his 
peculiar  powers  of  dramatic  composition.  Woman  and  the 
problems  evolving  out  of  her  relations  to  man  had  always 
formed  the  centre  of  his  great  dramas.  The  very  title  of 
the  tragedies:  "Judith,"  "Genoveva,"  "Maria  Magdalena," 
"Julia,"  and  "Agnes  Bernauer,"  show  the  position  occupied 
by  the  heroine  almost  as  clearly  as  does  his  choice  of  material ; 
while  his  "Herodes  und  Mariamne"  and  his  "Gyges  und  sein 
Ring"  revolve  equally  about  the  principal  woman  character 
as  their  centre,  and  "  Die  Schauspielerin,"  of  which  we  possess 
but  a  fragment,  was  to  have  the  greatness  and  the  life  principle 
of  its  heroine  arise  from  the  ruins  of  an  unhappy  passion. 
Only  his  two-act  drama,  "Michel  Angelo,"  and  his  unfinished 
"Demetrius"  have  the  hero  as  central  figure. 

Each  one  of  these  great  women  characters  depicts  in  various 
phases,  and  under  various  circumstances,  the  tragic  side  of 
love :  Judith,  the  maiden- widow  of  wondrous  beauty  who  goes 
out  to  avenge  her  country,  and  ends  by  avenging  her  sullied 
womanhood;  Genoveva,  the  woman  of  surpassing  charm  of 
person  and  personality,  whose  very  existence  arouses  the  evil 
passions  of  her  protector  and  through  him  the  suspicions  of 
her  husband,  which  form  the  crown  of  thorns  for  her  long  suf- 
fering; Klara,  the  girl  of  the  people,  who,  in  despair  of  win- 
ning the  love  of  the  man  who  has  her  affections,  yields  to  the 
jealous  persuasions  of  an  absolutely  unworthy  suitor;  Julia, 
the  girl  who  has  surrendered  herself  through  love  to  a  passion- 
ate, unknown  lover,  whom  appearances  declare  to  have  de- 
serted her;  Agnes,  who,  by  reason  of  her  beauty,  is  exalted  to 
be  the  wife  of  the  Duke's  son,  but  who,  by  reason  of  her  lowly 


187 

birth,  must  atone  for  her  exaltation  with  her  life,  offered  up 
for  the  welfare  of  the  state;  Mariamne,  the  beautiful  queen 
of  Herod,  whose  tragic  fate  it  is  to  be  misunderstood  and  out- 
raged in  her  most  sacred  feelings;  Rhodope,  the  queen  of 
Lydia,  whose  husband,  like  Herod,  has  too  great  a  joy  in  his 
wife  as  a  possession,  and  who  must  therefore  cause  his  friend 
to  see  her  unveiled  beauty  in  order  that  his  love  may  feed  on 
another's  knowledge  and  envy.  Injured  love,  wronged  woman- 
hood, outraged  beauty,  suffering  and  avenged,  these  are  the 
themes  about  which  the  varied  plots  of  HebbeFs  tragedies 
centre. 

The  frequently  quoted  criticism  of  Laube  bears  special 
reference  to  the  position  and  nature  of  Hebbel's  heroines.  "If 
from  the  choice  of  your  material,"  exclaimed  the  representative 
of  Young  Germany,  uyou  were  not  always  obliged  to  put  forth 
two-thirds  of  your  forces  to  make  the  subject  palatable,  you 
would  overthrow  Gutzkow  and  all  of  us  so  that  we  could  never 
stand  up  again."  When  Hebbel,  years  afterwards,  recalled 
this  outburst,  in  his  journal,  he  added,  "The  words  remained  in 
my  memory  exactly  because  I  found  something  true  in  them."  l 

Bamberg,  too,  after  commending  "Gyges,"  and  especially 
Hebbel's  treatment  of  the  ring,  added,  "Another  pious  wish, 
my  dear  friend !  Is  it  then  not  possible  for  you,  in  your  later 
dramas,  to  lay  the  main  importance  of  the  action  no  longer  in 
the  woman  ?  I  should  think  that  you  had  exhausted  the  cycle  ? 
Make  yourself  smaller  by  half,  I  wager  with  you  that  your 
piece  will  be  played  everywhere."  2  Hebbel  was  already  far 
advanced  in  the  work  on  his  last  complete  drama  when  this 
suggestion  from  Bamberg  came,  and  Kriemhild  forms  a  fit- 
ting climax  in  the  list  of  his  heroines,  for  it  is  in  this  character 
alone  that  we  see  before  our  eyes  the  entire  development  of 
love  and  of  character  through  love,  from  young  girlhood  to 
middle  life,  from  innocent  affection  to  bitterest  revenge.  In 
Kriemhild  we  have  the  girl  made  a  woman  through  love,  and 
developing  into  a  demon  through  constant  wrong  and  denial 
of  justice,  a  picture  of  the  greatest  possible  love  which  is  forced 
to  the  point  where  it  must  wreak  the  greatest  possible  vengeance. 
1  Tgb.  IV.  6091.  a  Bw.  I.  341. 


188 

In  Hebbel's  other  tragedies,  excepting  "Agnes  Bernauer," 
the  woman  is  wronged  by  the  man  she  loves,  or  to  whom  she 
yields  herself;  in  the  " Nibelungen,"  the  wrong  is  done  against 
the  one  she  loves  and  by  those  who,  because  of  natural  ties, 
are  nearest  and  dearest  to  her.  Like  Hebbel's  other  heroines, 
the  terrible  problems  which  she  has  to  solve  and  which  lead 
her  on  to  the  abyss  of  destruction  are  problems  laid  before  her 
on  the  altar  of  love,  problems  which  arise  from  the  devotion 
and  loyalty  in  her  heart,  and  to  the  solving  of  which  she  gives 
her  life  and  soul.  All  unconsciously  and  innocently,  she  is 
that  human  woman,  "decked  with  every  charm,"  who  enters 
the  lists  against  the  heiress  of  the  gods  whom  they  have  wakened 
to  be  Siegfried's  bride.  Kriemhild  is  preeminently  the  heroine 
of  Hebbel's  drama,  as  of  the  epic.  As  her  nature  unfolds, 
as  she  is  so  rudely  aroused  out  of  the  peaceful  simplicity  of  her 
girlhood,  she  more  and  more  represents  the  centre  of  feeling 
and  action.  Brunhild,  with  Frigga,  disappears  from  the 
scene  after  her  terrible  part  has  been  played  in  instigating 
Siegfried's  death;  Ute  is  a  passive  figure  behind  the  scenes 
from  the  time  of  Kriemhild' s  second  marriage ;  Gotelinde  and 
Gudrun  are  secondary  characters  who  serve,  as  in  the  epic, 
to  effect  the  close  relationship  between  Rudeger  and  the  Bur- 
gundians,  and  who  throw  a  still  stronger  light  upon  Kriemhild's 
marriage  with  Etzel. 

It  is  Kriemhild  alone,  of  the  women  of  the  play,  who  stands 
out  through  the  entire  trilogy  in  bold  relief,  and  in  continuing 
evolution.  From  the  moment  when  she  has  confidingly  told 
her  dream  to  her  mother,  and  when  she  draws  back,  red  with 
surprised  love,  from  her  first  chance  glimpse  of  Siegfried,  to  the 
last  moments  of  most  terrible  abandon  of  vengeance;  from 
the  prologue  to  the  las"t  act,  each  scene  in  which  we  see  Kriem- 
hild shows  a  new  step  in  her  development,  a  new  link  in  the 
chain  of  necessity  that  leads  her  from  the  timid  girl,  with  her 
vow  of  virginity  dying  on  her  lips,  from  the  joyous  wife,  irradi- 
ated by  the  first  happiness  of  young  love,  to  the  pitiless  avenger 
who  spares  neither  friend  nor  foe.  And  each  step,  each  stage 
in  the  action,  represents  a  new  phase  of  the  love  which  gave 
itself  so  fully  that  only  in  a  life  absolutely  given  over  to  its  claims 


189 

and  demands  can  it  find  adequate  expression;  a  love  which, 
now  that  its  object  is  dead,  must  seek  satisfaction,  —  must 
resort  even  to  the  most  terrible  means  to  accomplish  the  retribu- 
tion which  such  love  requires.  Her  nature,  in  the  beginning, 
is  just  unfolded  to  the  point  of  readiness  for  a  first  great  passion, 
she  has  a  wealth  of  affection  to  bestow,  and  its  overflowing 
tenderness  gladly  and  gently  welcomes  the  new  sister,  Brun- 
hild, who  stands  over  against  her  in  such  sharp,  northern  con- 
trast. 

Out  of  her  absolute  confidence  in  Siegfried,  Kriemhild  is 
for  a  time  rudely  shaken  by  the  suspicions  which  the  finding 
of  the  girdle  have  aroused  in  her  mind,  but  the  disclosure  of 
the  fatal  secret  fully  restores  her  trust,  and  it  is  in  the  pride  and 
enthusiasm  of  her  love,  when  it  is  stung  to  the  utmost  by  Brun- 
hild's taunts,  that  she  betrays  the  mystery  of  the  double  wooing. 
It  is  from  the  fear  growing  out  of  her  love  that  she  casts  aside 
all  caution  in  her  desire  to  protect  Siegfried,  and  confides  to 
Hagen  the  secret  of  his  vulnerability,  when  he,  as  she  thinks, 
is  about  to  go  to  battle ;  it  is  this  same  fear  which  arouses  her 
direct  anxiety  when  the  pretended  war  is  turned  into  a  chase, 
and  he  insists  upon  going.  Tormented  by  terrifying  presen- 
timents, she  employs  every  means  at  her  command  to  urge  him 
to  remain,  and  it  is  this  same  fear  in  love  that  sends  her  to  her 
two  younger  brothers,  and  begs  them  to  accompany  Siegfried ; 
this  same  fear  which  anxiously  questions  them  as  to  Hagen's 
feelings  towards  Siegfried,  and  which  keeps  her  restless  dur- 
ing the  night,  which  makes  her  apprehensively  alive  to  all  the 
stealthy  sounds  of  the  return  from  the  chase,  and  which  causes 
her  to  divine  that  the  dead  man  before  her  door  is  Siegfried.  It 
is  her  love,  wronged  and  wounded,  that  cries  out  for  truth  and 
justice;  it  is  her  love  which,  through  the  years  of  her  widow- 
hood, makes  her  tarry  at  Siegfried's  tomb,  and  avoid  every 
pleasure  as  though  it  were  a  sin;  which  makes  her  shun  the 
treachery  of  her  own  kind  and  fly  to  dumb  animals  for  conso- 
lation; which  dries  the  springs  of  mother-love  in  her  heart 
until  she  thinks  of  her  son  as  bora  only  to  slay  the  murderer 
of  his  father. 

Hagen's  defiance,  in  the  presence  of  Siegfried's  dead  body, 


190 

from  which  he  takes  the  famous  sword  Balmimg,  his  robbery 
of  the  hoard,  the  denial  of  justice,  have  only  made  her  hate, 
rooted  so  deeply  in  the  wealth  of  her  love,  so  much  the  hungrier. 
But  no  way  opens  before  her  seeking  eyes  until  she  learns  of 
Hagen's  strenuous  opposition  to  Etzel's  wooing ;  a  light  breaks 
upon  her,  as  she  exclaims,  "He  is  afraid."  Yet  even  now, 
with  the  glimmering  vision  of  the  possibility  of  vengeance,  she 
attempts  to  bring  her  brother  to  perform  his  duty  as  judge  of 
the  land ;  as  queen  of  all  who  have  suffered  wrong  and  endured 
injustice,  she  once  more  brings  her  complaints  against  Hagen :  — 

Ich  rufe  Klage  uber  Hagen  Tronje, 
Und  Klage  werd'  ich  rufen  bis  zum  Tod.1 

And  only  when  her  last  faint  hope  of  justice  is  absolutely  ex- 
tinguished, does  she  take  from  Rudeger  his  oath  in  his  own 
and  Etzel's  name,  to  deny  her  no  service,  and  give  her  hand  to 
him  for  his  king.  At  first  she  hopes  to  have  Gunther  and  his 
following  accompany  her  to  the  Huns,  but  since  he  refuses, 
she  exacts  from  him  the  promise  of  a  later  visit.  Seven  years 
she  waits  in  vain,  and  each  year  the  hatred  born  of  love  is  deep- 
ened and  strengthened  by  long  tending,  by  the  joylessness  of 
her  second  marriage.  Finally  she  sees  no  other  way  than  to 
send  for  the  Burgundians.  Even  now,  she  hopes  that,  sur- 
rounded by  Huns,  the  Burgundians  may  surrender  Hagen, 
and  her  sole  idea  is  vengeance  on  him;  here  King  Gunther  is 
free,  and  if  a  headsman  be  found  among  the  Burgundians,  she 
will  not  need  the  Hunnish  avengers.  Even  after  they  show 
that  they  have  been  warned,  and  defy  her  by  wearing  their 
armor,  even  then,  when  she  has  summoned  an  army  of  Huns 
to  accomplish  her  purpose,  she  cries  to  Gunther  for  the  last 
time  for  justice,  and  repeats  her  complaint  against  Hagen 
Tronje.  Not  until  this  last  refusal  does  she  bid  her  men  sur- 
prise the  Burgundian  servants  while  their  masters  are  at  the 
banquet;  not  until  Etzel  has  overlooked  Volker's  slaying  of  a 
Hun  does  she  see  him  hindering  her,  and  demand  from  him 
the  murderer's  head ;  not  until  he  refuses  to  harm  any  guest,  or 
to  allow  treachery  and  duplicity,  does  she  think  of  the  child 

1  31?2  *• 


191 

whom  she  has  borne  him  and  whom  she  cannot  love.  The 
dragon  sits  in  its  hole  and  if  Etzel  will  not  move  until  the 
dragon  has  stung  him,  then  she  must  offer  the  opportunity  for 
a  wound.  From  this  moment,  absolute  abandonment  to  the 
thirst  for  revenge  gives  rise  to  the  most  horrible  situations. 

She  hears  of  the  fallen  Hunnish  heroes.  "  But  Hagen  lives," 
she  cries;  "The  whole  world  pays  me  not  for  him."  Riideger 
begs  her  for  release  from  his  oath  which  she  calls  upon  him  to 
fulfil;  her  answer  is,  "And  must  I  open  the  veins  of  the  whole 
world  down  to  the  youngest  dove  still  in  his  nest,  I'd  shudder 
not."  Hildebrant  witnesses  and  recounts  the  terrible  combat 
after  Riideger  has  entered  the  hall;  Kriemhild  herself  mounts 
the  steps  to  see  the  last  appalling  struggle:  "What  could  there 
still  be  that  would  terrify  me?"  she  cries.  Each  horror  makes 
her  ready  for  the  next,  greater  one,  each  injury  prepares  her 
to  deal  a  still  harder  thrust,  until  she  herself  gives  command  to 
slay  the  guiltiest  of  Ute's  sons,  until  she  herself  is  aroused  to 
the  actual  deed  of  slaying  Siegfried's  murderer  with  her  own 
hands. 

Yet  this  terrible  creature  is  the  very  same  whose  first  entrance 
showed  only  love  and  gentleness ;  every  step  that  she  has  taken 
has  been  one  of  natural  psychological  development,  and  she 
retains  our  sympathies  to  the  end,  not  only  through  the  neces- 
sity for  the  most  violent  means  which  is  forced  upon  her  by 
constant  denial  of  justice  and  assistance,  but,  as  Hebbel  said 
of  the  Kriemhild  of  the  epic,  by  the  fact  that  we  are  made  to 
realize  that  for  each  suffering  that  she  imposes  her  inner  suffer- 
ing is  infinitely  greater  than  the  physical  pain  which  she  in- 
flicts. All  of  the  steps  in  the  development  are  indicated  in  the 
epic,  but  Hebbel  has  known  how  to  deepen  each  psychological 
moment,  to  add  the  minor  transition  scenes  and  lines  which 
strengthen  the  motivation,  so  that  each  step  is  made  necessary 
by  the  one  just  preceding. 

Brunhild,  too,  as  Hebbel  himself  said,  is  all  love  for  Sieg- 
fried. Her  whole  valkyrie  nature  is  consumed,  first,  by  the 
expectant  waiting  for  the  dragon-slayer  who  comes  not,  and 
then  by  the  revengeful  love  which  casts  aside  all  scruples,  and 
resolves  on  his  death  rather  than  his  happiness  with  another. 


192 

She  is  the  bride  destined  for  Siegfried  by  the  declining  world 
of  the  gods.  A  mixture  of  norn  and  valkyrie  in  her  life  on 
the  ice-bound  island,  she  is  more  an  invention  of  Hebbel  than 
any  other  character  given  by  the  epic.  Perhaps  for  this  very 
reason  she  stands  out  in  less  clear  outlines  than  the  other  prin- 
cipal characters  of  the  play,  for  Hebbel's  use  of  the  mythical 
in  her  delineation  has  sometimes  the  result  of  mystifying.  She 
is  half-seer,  half-Amazon,  a  step-child  of  the  gods,  consecrated 
by  them  to  the  accomplishment  of  a  purpose,  to  the  restoration 
of  a  sway  which  it  is  beyond  her  power  to  recover.  It  is  not 
such  a  love  as  joins  man  and  wife,  this  love  from  which  has 
again  sprung  the  deadliest  hatred ;  it  is  a  magic  through  which 
her  race  strives  for  self-preservation,  and  which  impels  her  to 
Siegfried  without  desire  and  without  choice.  Since  Gunther 
has  conquered  her,  she  can  no  longer  understand  the  meaning 
of  things;  Frigga  declares  that  she  has  interpreted  the  runes 
wrongly;  and  Brunhild's  first  defiant  resistance  becomes  yield- 
ing womanhood,  when  she  is  convinced  that  Gunther  has  really 
won  her.  Yet  her  presentiment  of  Siegfried's  superiority, 
her  natural  impulse  towards  him,  makes  her  demand  of  Gun- 
ther still  greater  proof  of  his  own  supremacy  in  the  slaying, 
or  at  least  in  the  humiliation  of  Siegfried.  She  cannot  free 
herself  from  the  thought  of  the  dragon-slayer,  and  it  is  the 
same  motive  which  caused  her  demands  from  Gunther  that 
inspires  the  taunting  speeches  opening  the  quarrel  scene.  She 
feels  the  mystery  concerning  the  relations  between  Gunther  and 
Siegfried,  Kriemhild  and  herself.  She  is  like  an  eagle  beating 
her  wings  in  vain  against  bars  which  she  cannot  see,  and  when 
the  veil  is  once  rudely  torn  from  the  secret,  her  only  thought 
is  the  one  suggested  by  Frigga.  She  cannot  regain  her  lost 
sway,  she  cannot  win  for  herself  that  supremacy  over  death 
and  the  mystery  of  the  stars,  that  earth-rule,  which  were  to  have 
been  hers ;  but  she  can  avenge  herself,  and  this  is  her  one,  all- 
consuming  motive  up  to  the  time  of  Siegfried's  death,  after 
which  life  holds  nothing  more  for  her.  Robbed  of  the  suprem- 
acy and  the  love  which  were  destined  for  her,  her  existence  is 
one  of  listless,  lonely  misery  and  hopelessness;  she  has  no 
further  place  among  the  acting  characters  for  she  is  neither 


193 

desirous  nor  capable  of  another  act.  The  mission  of  her 
existence  was  beyond  her  accomplishment,  and  she  now  has  no 
further  purpose  in  life;  after  Kriemhild's  second  marriage  she 
has  taken  up  her  place  at  Siegfried's  tomb,  no  man  sees  her 
more,  but  stories  are  told  of  how  she  cowers  at  the  coffin,  tears 
in  her  eyes,  now  scratching  the  wood,  now  her  face,  with  her 
nails.  What  Hebbel  termed  his  most  difficult  task  was  the 
least  successful,  for  Brunhild  is  the  least  convincing  of  the 
characters;  she  is  too  mystical  and  mysterious  to  be  human, 
too  human,  too  Amazonian,  to  be  the  last  heiress  of  the  gods. 


3.     TREATMENT  OF  RELIGION 

Beside  Hebbel's  interest  in  problems  of  woman  and  sex  may 
be  put  his  intense  interest  in  religious  problems.  In  every 
phase  of  Hebbel's  literary  activity,  this  keen  and  lifelong  in- 
terest is  to  be  seen:  in  his  letters  and  journals,  as  well  as  his 
poems  and  dramas.  His  correspondence  with  Friedrich  von 
Uechtritz  and  with  Pastor  L.  W.  Luck  in  Wolfskehlen  con- 
tain the  most  definite  and  pronounced  expression  of  his  atti- 
tude as  man  and  poet  towards  religion.  His  discussions  with 
Uechtritz  led  to  no  more  than  a  "truce"  between  the  old  friends 
in  which  the  latter,  as  the  representative  of  positive  Protestant- 
ism, ceased  to  try  to  move  Hebbel  from  his  stand  without  the 
pale  of  dogmatic  teachings. 

To  Pastor  Luck,  Hebbel  attempted  in  all  honesty  to  explain 
his  position  towards  religion;  it  was  not  at  all  a  hostile  posi- 
tion, as  indeed  he  considered  impossible  for  a  poet,  it  was  simply 
a  matter  of  the  relative  attitude  towards  poetry  and  religion. 
Both  have  a  common  origin  and  a  common  purpose,  and  differ- 
ences of  opinion  he  believed  came  from  regarding  the  one  rather 
than  the  other  as  the  original  source.  Hebbel  decided  for 
poetry.  It  was  not  that  he  thought  more  lightly  of  religion, 
he  declared,  but  more  highly  of  poetry,  as  the  "all-embracing." 
He  believed  this  to  be  the  only  attitude  which  a  true  poet  could 
hold,  and  he  attributed  the  satisfying  delineation  of  the  views 
and  feelings  of  the  most  ardent  believer  which  is  often  found  in 


194 

great  poetical  works  to  the  same  faculty  by  which  the  poet  is 
able  to  depict  other  feelings  and  relations  of  life.  It  is  simply 
because  the  secret  of  life  is  intrusted  to  the  true  poet,  because 
he  "instinctively  grasps  every  existence  in  its  fundaments,  and 
every  moment  of  an  existence  in  its  general  and  specific  condi- 
tions." The  poet  is  "  simply  the  Proteus  who  sucks  in  the  honey 
of  all  the  forms  of  existence  (to  be  sure,  only  to  give  it  forth  again), 
but  who  is  not  forever  held  fast  in  any  one  form."  *  For  him 
everything  is  a  mystery,  and  every  attempt  to  solve  the  world- 
enigma,  a  tragedy  of  thought.  As  has  been  seen,  Hebbel  told 
Pastor  Luck  that  he  had  known  the  Bible  by  heart  from  child- 
hood, and  he  claimed  that  he  knew  all  the  more  important 
church  legends,  both  Protestant  and  Catholic.  "But  your  re- 
ligious facts  are  and  remain  for  me  anthropomorphisms." 2 
In  the  same  spirit  with  these  later  expressions  is  the  youthful 
cry  of  the  poet  to  Uhland:  "Poetry  is  my  religion,  which  leads 
me  to  the  truth."  3 

Thus  Hebbel,  with  all  his  fiery  subjectivity  as  a  dramatist, 
when  the  construction  of  his  characters  was  concerned,  re- 
garded the  great  religious  problems  which  he  made  so  control- 
ling a  part  of  many  of  his  characters  and  plots  purely  from  the 
outside ;  as  one  alive  to  the  great  forces  set  to  work  by  religious 
belief  and  dogma,  but  himself  aloof  from  any  positive  faith. 
As  one  of  the  great  motivating  problems  of  human  life  and 
civilization,  he  set  himself  to  solve  it  in  its  various  phases,  and 
his  earliest  letters  and  entries  in  his  journal  show  him  deep  in 
religious  queries  and  reasonings,  while  his  university  days  at 
Heidelberg  find  him  already  busy  with  the  idea  of  embodying 
religious  ideas  in  his  writings.  "To  write  something  about 
religion,"  he  set  down  in  his  journal,  "how  in  a  child  the  idea 
of  God,  of  Christ,  of  his  own  Ego,  and  of  humanity  have  their 
origin."  4 

Though  always  personally  in  this  attitude  of  defence  and 
defiance  towards  every  positive  form  of  religion,  Hebbel  thus 
fully  recognized  the  great  influence  of  religion  on  history  and 
on  character,  and  he  loved  to  choose  a  religious  struggle  as  a 

1  Nachl.  II.  120  f.  *  Bw  I.  141. 

2  Ibid.  136;  Tgb.  IV.  5847.  4  Tgb.  I.  224. 


195 

background  for  his  dramas,  to  make  the  outcome  a  picture  of 
the  old  giving  place  to  the  new. 

In  his  first  play,  "Judith,"  which  called  forth  a  succession 
of  Biblical  dramas,  the  children  of  Jehovah  are  making  their 
desperate  struggle  against  Holofernes,  the  general  of  the  heathen 
king,  Nebuchadnezzar.  The  whole  undertone  of  the  drama 
breathes  the  belief  in  the  God  of  Judah,  who  must  raise  up  an 
instrument  to  deliver  his  followers  from  the  hands  of  their 
oppressors,  a  God  who  causes  the  dumb  to  speak  forth  prophe- 
cies, and  who  only  lets  the  weakest  of  his  people  doubt,  in  the 
last  hopelessness  of  their  desperation.  Holofernes  thus  ex- 
presses his  heathen  idea  of  divinity:  "die  Menschheit  hat  nur 
den  Einen  grossen  Zweck,  einen  Gott  aus  sich  zu  gebaren ;  und 
der  Gott,  den  sie  gebiert,  wie  will  er  zeigen,  dass  er's  ist,  als 
dadurch,  dass  er  sich  ihr  zum  ewigen  Kampf  gegeniiber  stellt, 
dass  er  all'  die  thorigten  Regungen  des  Mitleids,  des  Schauderns 
vor  sich  selbst,  des  Zuriickschwindelns  vor  seiner  ungeheuren 
Aufgabe  unterdriickt,  dass  er  zu  Staub  zermalmt,  und  ihr 
noch  in  der  Todesstunde  den  Jubelruf  abzwingt?"1 

The  Hebrews  appear  to  the  army  of  Holofernes  a  mad  race 
who  "worship  a  God  whom  they  can  neither  see  nor  hear,  of 
whom  no  man  knoweth  where  he  dwelleth,  and  to  whom  they 
yet  bring  sacrifices.  .  .  .  This  people  is  low  and  unworthy, 
when  it  goes  forth  with  spears  and  swords,  the  weapons  are  in 
its  hands  mere  playthings,  which  its  own  God  breaks  in  pieces, 
for  he  will  not  that  it  fight  and  stain  itself  with  blood,  he  alone 
will  destroy  its  enemies.  But  terrible  is  this  people  when  it 
humbles  itself  before  its  God,  as  he  commandeth,  when  it  casts 
itself  on  its  knees  and  strews  its  head  with  ashes,  when  it  cries 
out  lamentations  and  curses  itself ;  then  it  is  as  though  the  world 
becomes  another  world,  as  though  nature  forgets  its  own  laws, 
the  impossible  is  fact,  the  sea  divides,  so  that  the  waters  stand 
firm  on  both  sides  like  walls  between  which  a  street  passes, 
bread  falls  from  heaven,  and  out  of  the  desert  sand  springs 
forth  a  cool  drink."1  This  is  the  account  of  the  Jews  and  their 
religion  which  Achior,  the  captain  of  the  Moabites,  gives  to 
Holofernes;  his  advice  is  to  inquire  whether  this  people  has 
1  Act  I.,  W.  I.  10  ff. 


196 

sinned  against  its  God ;  if  so,  that  God  will  surely  deliver  them 
into  the  hands  of  Holofernes;  if  not,  then  it  were  better  for 
Holofernes  to  turn  from  the  city  of  Bethulien,  for  their  God  will 
protect  them,  and  Holofernes  and  his  army  will  become  a  scorn 
and  a  derision  to  the  whole  land. 

In  sackcloth  and  ashes,  Judith  awaits  a  message  from  God 
to  show  her  the  way  to  deliver  her  people  through  the  death 
of  Holofernes.  Since  no  man  has  been  found  to  dare  his  life 
in  Holofernes'  camp,  she  must  wait  in  prayer  and  humility 
until  the  way  is  shown  to  her.  She  sees  no  way  except  through 
sin,  but  suddenly  even  this  way  appears  glorified  to  her  by  the  will 
of  God,  who  can  make  the  unclean  clean ;  she  has  cast  herself 
"into  the  eternal,"  and  she  believes  in  the  truth  of  her  answer. 
It  is  just  because  she,  as  a  woman,  does  not  remain  on  this 
height  of  spiritual  inspiration,  but  later  falls,  as  woman  alone, 
and  avenges  her  insulted  womanhood,  —  it  is  for  this  reason  that 
she  is  at  the  end  a  representative  of  the  tragic  fate  of  woman 
more  than  a  tool  in  Jehovah's  hands.  Her  people  greet  her 
as  their  liberator,  mingling  her  name  with  that  of  the  great  God 
of  Israel,  while  she  only  feels  the  shame  of  her  dishonored 
womanhood,  and  the  stigma  in  her  deed  of  personal  vengeance. 
But  though  it  is  her  person  and  personality  that  interest  us 
almost  absolutely  in  the  play,  still  here,  too,  we  have  the  ever 
clear  background  of  a  religious  struggle,  the  struggle  of  a  devel- 
oped monotheism  against  a  heathen  polytheism,  which,  through 
the  impious  sin  of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  his  general,  becomes 
the  most  degraded  form  of  monotheism. 

Of  "Genoveva,"  Hebbel  said  that  it  was  a  second  part  of 
"Judith,"  showing  the  passive  sacrifice,  the  saint,  as  "Judith" 
showed  the  active  sacrifice,  the  heroine,  and  thus  together  they 
close  the  circle  of  the  Jewish- Christian  view  of  life.  In  the 
severe  criticism  to  which  he  subjected  the  drama  in  his  riper 
years,  he  realizes  the  strange  way  in  which  heaven  and  hell 
are  intermingled,  but  he  claims,  too,  that  they  are  joined  together 
through  inner  relationship  according  to  the  fundamental  con- 
ditions of  Christianity.1  The  whole  play  is  imbued  with  the 
military  and  religious  ardor  of  the  crusades,  with  a  zealous 

1  Bw.  II.  50. 


197 

hatred  of  heathens  and  Jews,  of  every  enemy  to  Christianity. 
An  entire  scene  in  the  second  act  is  devoted  to  a  vivid  presenta- 
tion of  the  Jewish  persecution,  through  the  introduction  of  one 
molested  member  of  the  race.  Genoveva  is  the  Christian 
martyr,  though  persecuted  by  her  own  people;  she  has  been 
filled  from  childhood  with  the  desire  for  the  life  of  a  religieuse, 
and  only  her  sister's  horrible  fate  has  warned  and  terrified  her 
away  from  the  cloister.  At  heart  as  pure  and  chaste  as  a  nun, 
she  marries  Siegfried,  and  the  spark  of  human  love  is  kindled 
within  her.  There  is  scarcely  a  page  in  the  play  that  does  not 
contain  a  Biblical  or  other  religious  reference,  that  does  not 
help  to  make  us  intimate  with  the  religious  background  against 
which  the  characters  are  drawn. 

Together  with  his  "Moloch"  and  his  "Christus,"  "Judith" 
and  "Genoveva"  were  to  form  a  great  drama  of  the  past, 
according  to  HebbePs  youthful  plan.1  In  "Moloch"  was  to 
be  represented,  in  grandly  terrible  and  gloomy  pictures,  the 
earliest  beginnings  of  religion  and  culture,  of  a  worship  inspired 
through  fear,  of  a  religion  which  should  spring  up  among  the 
Germans  out  of  the  ruins  of  Carthage,  and  which,  under  the 
guidance  of  Hamilcar's  son,  Hieram,  should  lead  its  followers 
on  to  the  vengeance  of  Carthage  in  the  destruction  of  Rome. 
In  a  letter  to  Kiihne,  January  28, 1847,  Hebbel  writes  of  his  plan  : 
"I  want  to  depict  the  process  of  the  beginnings  of  religious  and 
political  relations,  a  process  which  continues  to  our  very  day, 
even  though  it  has  been  appreciably  modified  through  the 
centuries,  and  my  hero  is  the  one  named  in  the  title.  Rome 
and  Carthage  only  form  the  background,  like  two  crossing 
swords,  and  even  the  primitive  German  conditions  are  only  to 
give  the  necessary  color  pigments  to  a  representation  which  will 
not  fade  into  indistinctness."  2  Here,  then,  had  Hebbel  brought 
his  work  to  completion,  we  should  have  had  a  struggle  of  reli- 
gion with  dying  heathendom,  not  simply  as  a  background  for 
the  action,  but  as  the  very  action  itself,  and  the  god  Moloch 
as  the  hero.  The  cruel  iron  god,  with  his  arms  of  fire,  was 
to  represent  the  embodiment  of  a  belief  in  higher  forces,  and  to 
lead  the  advance  to  the  earliest  material  beginnings  of  culture, 

1  Bw.  I.  156.  *  Nachl.  I.  209. 


198 

but  he  was  also  to  pave  the  way  to  the  first  inception  of  a  deeper, 
more  inward  form  of  worship,  when  the  great  iron  mass  should 
stand  merely  for  a  symbol  of  the  god  who  had  brought  them 
prosperity,  a  god  to  whom  human  sacrifice  would  no  longer 
be  made. 

The  few  pages  which  contain  all  that  Hebbel  noted  down 
of  his  material  for  a  drama  with  Christ  as  the  hero  give  us 
little  definite  idea  of  how  the  drama  would  have  unfolded  it- 
self. But  this  we  know,  that  Hebbel  considered  the  "Chris- 
tus"  almost  as  a  continuation  of  the  "Moloch,"  in  which  he 
would  depict  the  beginning  of  a  definite  religion,  as  opposed 
to  the  beginning  of  religion  itself.  Of  this  definite  religion, 
Christ  was  to  be  the  purely  human  head,  the  Christ  of  whom 
he  had  written  to  Elise  in  his  Munich  period:  "Christ  is  for 
me  a  high  —  perhaps  the  highest  —  moral  presence  in  history ; 
the  one  man  who  became  great  through  suffering.  Because 
Judaism  and  heathendom  had  not  gone  far  enough,  I  forgive 
him  for  going  too  far."  l  In  the  two  short  scenes,  and  the  few 
suggestive  sentences  which  he  has  left  us,  we  see  his  intention 
of  surrounding  Christ  with  various  Biblical  characters:  Mary, 
his  mother,  Anna,  Mary  of  Magdala,  John,  and,  in  contrast 
to  the  principal  character,  Satan.  Hebbel  seems  to  have  taken 
up  his  old  plan  to  make  Christ  the  centre  of  a  drama  most 
energetically  directly  after  the  printing  of  the  "  Nibelungen," 
and  quite  probably  he  intended  here  to  develop  the  ideas 
expressed  by  Dietrich  von  Bern,  and  to  represent  the  kingdom 
of  him  in  whose  name  Dietrich  took  upon  himself  Etzel's 
sceptre  and  rule. 

In  yet  another  drama,  though  in  a  less  marked  form,  does 
Hebbel  represent  the  old  giving  place  to  the  new.  It  is  in  the 
last  scene  of  "Herodes  und  Mariamne,"  with  Herod  a  lonely, 
loveless  monarch,  face  to  face  with  the  actuality  of  his  own 
crime,  that  Hebbel  introduces  the  symbolic  feature  of  the  three 
wise  men  —  "kings"  —  in  their  search  for  the  new-born  child, 
before  whom  all  knees  shall  bend ;  the  child  of  whom  Sameas, 
in  his  martyrdom,  has  just  prophesied  that  his  time  has  come, 
that  the  virgin  mother  is  even  now  laying  in  the  manger;  the 

1  Bw.  I.  64. 


199        , 

child  of  the  house  of  David  who  will  overturn  thrones,  wake 
the  dead,  tear  the  stars  from  the  heavens,  and  rule  the  world 
in  all  eternity. 

These  are  the  dramas  in  which  religion  appears  most  promi- 
nently as  background,  or  as  formative  motive,  but  we  have 
religious  characters  and  Biblical  reference  and  suggestion  in 
still  other  dramas  by  Hebbel.  There  is  a  breath  of  middle- 
class  Protestantism  in  "Maria  Magdalena,"  and  the  hypo- 
critical Leonhard  shows  a  smirk  of  satisfaction  in  his  glib 
ability  to  refer  to  the  innocence  of  the  dove  and  the  wisdom  of 
the  serpent,  and  to  Jacob's  wooing  of  Rachel.  In  "Michel 
Angelo"  no  religious  problem  presents  itself,  it  is  true,  but  it 
is  the  pope,  as  representative  of  the  Romish  church,  who  recon- 
ciles the  arts,  and  who  opens  the  path  for  the  union  of  paint- 
ing and  sculpture  with  religion,  to  produce  the  greatest  crea- 
tions on  canvas  and  in  marble.  In  "Agnes  Bernauer"  there 
is  an  undercurrent  of  catholic  belief,  of  reference  to  the  Bible 
and  to  the  almighty  power  of  God ;  and  even  in  the  unfinished 
"Demetrius"  we  are  shown  the  active  power  of  the  orthodox 
church  in  the  worldly  side  of  life. 

In  closing  his  letter  of  January  21,  1861,  to  Pastor  Luck, 
Hebbel  wrote  of  his  " Nibelungen, "  "It  depicts  the  victory  of 
Christianity  over  heathendom."  And  this  struggle  between 
the  dying  forms  and  customs  of  the  old  with  the  higher  ideals 
and  beliefs  of  the  new  religion  is,  indeed,  the  background  upon 
which  Hebbel  has  painted  the  whole  picture  of  German  love 
and  loyalty,  the  background  which  deepens  the  significance  of 
characters  and  events,  and  which  offers  reconciliation  for  the 
horrors  of  the  tragic  outcome.  The  time  is  that  of  transition ; 
the  people  are  people  of  the  transition  from  heathendom  to 
Christianity,  not,  on  the  one  hand,  obstinate  heathens,  nor,  on 
the  other  hand,  steadfast  Christians,  but,  for  the  most  part, 
not  ideal  representatives  of  either  the  Germanic  heathen  belief 
or  of  Christianity,  just  as  the  time  is  not  representative  of  one 
belief  or  the  other,  but  rather  of  the  change  from  one  to  the 
other.  The  chief  characters  are  touched  with  the  forms  of 
religion  alone,  while  deep  in  their  hearts  they  retain  the  old 
Germanic  standards  of  loyalty  and  blood  vengeance. 


200 

Uechtritz,  upon  reading  the  first  scenes  of  the  "  Nibelungen," 
took  exception  to  the  manner  in  which  Hebbel  had  made  Hagen 
a  mocker  of  Christ  and  the  forms  of  Christian  religion,  and 
this  in  the  very  scene  where  the  epic  has  him  swear  "wizze 
Krist."  Apart  from  the  offence  to  his  religious  feelings,  he 
thought  that  it  opposed  the  "atmosphere"  of  the  poem,  and 
since  he  did  not  see  where  else  in  the  drama  the  subject  of 
Christianity  could  be  brought  in,  he  felt  that  such  scorn  had  no 
place  there.1  Hebbel's  reply  was  that  he  would  be  contented 
if  only  the  whole  tragedy  were  not  regarded  as  too  Christian, 
and  reminded  Uechtritz  of  the  chaplain  in  the  first  part  of  the 
Nibelungen,  and  of  Riideger  in  the  second  part,  whom  Uech- 
tritz seemed  to  have  forgotten  when  he  looked  in  vain  for  an 
offset  for  the  mockery  of  Hagen,  whose  swearing  by  Christ, 
Hebbel  declared,  could  trouble  him  but  little,  since  Hagen 
later  threw  the  chaplain  overboard  in  an  attempt  to  drown 
him.2  He  enclosed  a  part  of  the  last  scene  of  "Siegfrieds 
Tod,"  and  Uechtritz's  reply  said  that  Hebbel  was  right,  that 
not  a  few  critics  would  reproach  him  for  a  too  pronounced 
Christianity,  and  that  he  himself  found  the  dogma  of  human 
sin  almost  too  accentuated  in  a  specifically  Protestant  sense, 
since  the  time  of  the  Nibelungen,  or  the  century  in  which  the 
epic  arose,  could  scarcely  have  reached  the  point  of  thus  seeing 
the  "shiner"  in  Siegfried.3 

But  when  he  knew  the  entire  trilogy,  Uechtritz  praised  par- 
ticularly the  Christian  notes  which  resound  in  the  drama, 
and  which  he  found  to  be  not  merely  of  a  sincerity,  but  also  of 
a  genuineness  and  truth  such  as  he  would  scarcely  have  regarded 
possible  from  one  who  held  the  position  that  Hebbel  claimed 
to  hold  towards  the  Christian  religion  and  who  insisted  upon 
calling  it  a  "mythology  among  other  mythologies."  4  Hebbel, 
however,  declared  that  his  position  had  not  changed,  that 
Christianity  was  still  what  it  had  been  for  him,  and  that  his 
renewed  studies  had  made  him  add  "not  even  the  deepest  among 
the  mythologies,"  and  if,  as  Uechtritz  had  said,  he  had  succeeded 
in  portraying  its  innermost  being,  it  was  simply  through  the 
same  power  that  had  enabled  him  to  depict  the  valkyrie  life 

1  Bw.  II.  241.  2  Ibid.  247.  3  Ibid.  248.  4  Ibid.  287. 


201 

in  Iceland.  After  the  completion  of  his  "  Nibelungen,"  he 
had  begun  to  dream  of  his  tragedy  of  Christ,  and  in  his  desire 
to  be  able  to  master  the  material,  he  had  recapitulated  his 
theological  studies,  but  with  even  more  negative  results  than 
before.1 

Hebbel  has  but  three  characters  in  the  "Nibelungen  "  who 
can  be  regarded  as  absolute  representatives  of  the  beliefs 
for  which  they  stand.  Frigga  alone  is  the  pure  representative 
of  heathendom,  untainted  by  an  approach  of  Christian  belief. 
The  chaplain  is,  for  the  first  half,  as  Dietrich  for  the  second 
half,  the  absolute  representative  of  the  Christian  faith.  Yet 
a  remnant  of  heathen  belief  clings  to  Dietrich,  for  he  has  his 
wisdom,  his  hints  of  future  events,  his  presentiments,  from 
the  mysterious  conversation  that  he  heard  at  the  well  of  the 
Nixies.  Riideger,  too,  represents  the  Christian  religion  con- 
sistently, but  his  r61e  as  Christian  hero  is  scarcely  more  em- 
phasized here  than  in  the  epic.  The  other  characters  are 
hardly  more  than  tinged  with  the  new  faith  which  the  chaplain, 
in  long  demonstrations  and  admonitions,  earnestly  tries  to 
inculcate ;  they  are  under  the  surface  influence  of  Christianity, 
bound  to  an  observance  of  its  forms,  but  they  chafe  under  any 
restraint  which  it  puts  upon  their  freedom  or  their  pleasure, 
and  at  heart  they  are  "healthy  heathen,"  who,  when  their 
emotions  are  stirred,  when  they  are  stung,  or  angered,  or 
wronged,  show  promptly  the  old,  elemental  desire  for  blood 
and  revenge.  Frigga  feels  that  the  old  world  of  her  faith  is 
slipping  away,  though  her  allegiance  remains  steadfast  to  her 
ancient  gods.  Brunhild  cries  out  in  surprise  at  her  sacrificial 
offerings  to  the  old  gods,  who  are  now  but  as  devils  in  hell, 
and  Frigga  replies:  — 

Furchtest  Du 

Sie  darum  weniger?     Sie  konnen  uns 
Noch  immer  fluchen,  wenn  auch  nicht  mehr  segnen, 
Und  willig  schlacht'  ich  ihnen  ihren  Bock. 
O,  thatest  Du  es  auch ! 

The  chaplain,  too,  realizes  that  this  is  but  a  period  of  transi- 
tion, that  his  religion  has  not  yet  reached  the  hearts  and  lives 

1  Bw.  II.  291. 


202 

of  the  people.  For  when  Siegfried  announces  the  approach 
of  Brunhild  as  Gunther's  bride,  he  asks :  — 

Verzeiht  mir,  edler  Recke, 
1st  Brunhild  derm  getauft? 

And  to  Siegfried's  reply  that  she  is  baptized  he  again  asks :  — 
So  ist's  ein  christlich  Land,  aus  dem  sie  kommt? 

Siegfried  answers :  — 

Man  ehrt  das  Kreuz, 

and  the  chaplain,  grieved  at  the  lack  of  positiveness  in  Sieg- 
fried's assertion,  sorrowfully  adds: — 

Man  ehrt's  wohl  so,  wie  hier, 
Wo  man  sich's  neben  einer  Wodans-Eiche 
Gefallen  lasst,  weil  man  nicht  wissen  kann, 
Ob  ihm  kein  Zauber  inne  wohnt,  so  wie 
Der  frommste  Christ  ein  Gotzenbild  noch  immer 
Nicht  leicht  zerschlagt,  weil  sich  ein  letzter  Rest 
Der  alien  Furcht  noch  leise  in  ihm  regt, 
Wenn  er  es  glotzen  sieht. 

And  Iring,  from  the  heathen  standpoint,  tells  of  the  recentness 
of  the  change  which  has  dethroned  the  old  gods : — 

und  wenn's  mich  auch  einmal  verdriesst 
Dass  dieser  Reif  nicht  langer  blitzt,  wie  sonst, 
So  tret'  ich  rasch  in  Wodans  Eichenhain, 
Und  denk'  an  den,  der  mehr  verloren  hat ! 

In  lines  which  Hebbel  later  cut  out  for  reasons  of  stage  economy, 
Dietrich  symbolically  expresses  the  meaning  of  the  present 
age  and  the  events  which  it  has  brought  forth: — 

Das  Vergangene 

Ringt  aus  dem  Grabe  und  das  Kiinftige 
Drangt  zur  Geburt,  das  Gegenwart'ge  aber 
Setzt  sich  zur  Wehre. 

How  well  Hebbel  understood  the  circumstances  attendant 
upon  a  change  of  religious  belief  is  shown  in  his  treatment  of 
the  old  gods.  For  it  is  a  well-known  fact  of  demonology  that 
the  gods  of  the  old  religion  are  accepted  as  devils  by  the  new, 
either  in  their  entirety  or  in  some  of  their  attributes.  So  in 


203 

the  "  Nibelungen,"  the  old  gods  sit  in  hell  or  in  Hekla,  the 
volcano  which  northern  superstition  regarded  as  the  entrance 
to  hell.1  Hagen  is  the  most  frankly  heathen  of  the  Burgun- 
dians.  That  first  scene  of  the  Prologue  which  Uechtritz  criti- 
cised shows  in  clear  outline  the  brave,  bold,  defiant  knight, 
who  resents  the  interference  with  a  hunt  which  is  caused  by 
the  celebration  of  Easter,  and  who  shows  a  scornful  and  wil- 
ful ignorance  of  sacred  festivals. 

Ute  and  Kriemhild,  in  particular,  show  profound  respect 
for  church  observances,  and  had  Kriemhild's  lines  fallen  in 
the  pleasant  ways  of  domestic  happiness,  where  she  confidently 
expected  to  find  them  when  she  gave  herself  to  Siegfried,  she 
would  have  gone  through  life  a  pious  Christian,  erecting  altars 
to  saints  in  thanks  for  blessings  received  and  in  the  hope  of 
blessings  to  come;  following  to  the  letter  the  teachings  of  the 
chaplain  and  attending  to  every  prescribed  church  duty.  But 
she  finds  that  this  new  religion  not  only  does  not  bring  her  the 
peaceful  life  of  love  on  which  she  has  launched,  but  when  this 
happiness  has  been  snatched  from  her,  it  denies  her  the  truth 
and  right,  the  justice  and  judgment  that  she  seeks,  telling  her 
that  what  she  desires  is  vengeance,  and  that  vengeance  is  re- 
served for  the  Lord.  And  so  the  years  of  brooding  sorrow,  of 
clamors  unheard,  of  injustice  added  to  wrong,  years  in  which 
her  religion,  the  religion  of  the  chaplain,  makes  no  sign  of  giv- 
ing her  the  one  thing  for  which  she  now  lives,  these  years  pre- 
pare her  to  accept  the  relentless  heathen,  Etzel,  as  the  man  who 
will  bring  her  plans  to  fulfilment. 

Throughout  the  play  we  find  the  distinction  made  in  the 
minds  of  the  characters  between  heathen  and  Christian;  there 
is  a  constant  reference  to  God,  the  Lord,  the  Creator,  the  Saviour, 
and  Christ,  to  the  cross  and  heaven  and  paradise,  to  hell  and 
the  devil  and  Satan,  and  to  the  day  of  judgment.  We  hear  of 
religious  customs  and  the  observance  of  them,  of  church  and 
cathedral  and  cloister,  of  the  priest  and  his  cowl  and  of  the 
pope,  of  mass  and  prayer  and  fasting,  of  holy  water,  and  of 
religious  festivals.  Yet  there  are  but  few  scenes  which  are 
imbued  with  the  true  spirit  of  Christianity,  and  they  are  chiefly 

1  675  f.,  686  f.,  750;  cf.  Grimm,  953. 


204 

those  which  contain  the  chaplain's  earnest  words.  Riideger 
fears  to  lose  his  soul  by  participating  in  the  final  combat ;  and 
Kriemhild  realizes  that  she  lost  hers  according  to  Christian 
teachings  by  her  second  marriage,  but  the  elemental  passions 
of  her  soul  are  not  to  be  checked  by  a  new  religion  that  has 
never  entered  into  her  inner  life.  Etzel  best  expresses  the 
Christian  ideal,  to  "love  your  enemies,  bless  them  that  curse 
you,  do  good  to  them  that  hate  you,  and  pray  for  them  which 
despitefully  use  you,  and  persecute  you";  it  admonishes, 
"resist  not  evil,  but  whosoever  shall  smite  thee  on  the  right 
cheek,  turn  to  him  the  other  also."  Thus  Etzel  simply  tells 
his  idea  of  the  Christian  teaching:  — 

Ich  horte  ja  von  Dir, 
Das  Eure  Weise  sei,  den  Feind  zu  lieben 
Und  mit  dem  Kuss  zu  danken  fiir  den  Schlag: 
Ei  nun,  ich  hab's  geglaubt. 

Dietrich  acknowledges  the  truth  of  the  ideal,  but  he  knows 
that  every  one  is  not  strong  enough  to  fulfil  it.  So  Hebbel 
has  elsewhere  said  of  himself,  "I  pledge  myself  to  understand 
all  creatures;  to  love  them  is  beyond  my  power,  as  also  many 
another  Christian  command."  *  Even  Hagen  has  a  faint  con- 
ception of  the  teaching,  for,  in  admitting  his  envy  of  the  strong, 
beautiful  hero  who  had  playfully  plucked  all  their  honors  with 
a  look  that  said,  "I  do  not  want  them,"  who  had  wrung  from 
Hagen  his  hard- won  prowess,  he  says: — 

Dann  kiisse  Deinen  Feind,  wenn  Du's  vermagst. 

It  is  this  very  fact  that  Hebbel  has  taken  such  delicate  care 
to  portray,  the  fact  that  these  heathen,  with  their  superficial 
touch  of  Christianity,  with  their  more  or  less  willing  acceptance 
of  its  outward  forms  without  any  real  conception  of  the  accept- 
ance of  its  ideals  as  life  principles,  these  representatives  of  the 
old  ideas  of  revenge  and  bloodshed,  must  be  overthrown  for 
the  dawn  of  a  new  era. 

It  is  remarkable,  too,  how  those  characters  who  have  been 
most  strongly  touched  by  the  Christian  teachings  have  been  in- 
fluenced to  conversion,  not  by  the  gentle  persistence  of  preach- 

1  Bw.  II.  29. 


205 

ing,  but  by  some  extraordinary  phenomenon.  Thus  the  chap- 
kin,  a  heathen,  born  of  a  race  of  heathen,  had  helped  to  kill 
the  first  messenger  of  God  who  had  come  among  them.  His 
arm  dealt  the  last  blow,  and  then  he  heard  the  martyr's  prayer 
as  he  prayed  for  him,  and  died  with  the  Amen  on  his  lips. 
With  that,  the  chaplain  threw  away  his  sword,  and  went  forth 
to  preach  the  cross,  and  since  that  day  he  has  never  used  the 
arm  that  helped  to  slay  the  man  of  God.  Even  he,  with  his 
gentle  mildness,  and  his  doctrine  of  love  from  the  Gospels,  had 
been  so  good  a  heathen  that  it  required  a  revolution  of  mind 
and  heart  to  bring  him  to  cast  away  utterly  his  heathen  impulses 
and  beliefs. 

Etzel,  too,  as  we  first  know  him,  is  far  more  a  Christian  than 
the  form-observing  Burgundians.  Kriemhild  had  heard  of  his 
wild,  fierce  deeds  before  her  marriage;  when  she  heard  his 
name,  she  thought  first  of  fire  and  blood,  and  then  of  a  man; 
his  reputation  was  that  of  a  breaker  and  despiser  of  customs 
and  usage.  She  had  thought  of  him  as  born  to  love  such  deeds 
as  the  one  of  vengeance  which  she  had  planned  on  Hagen, 
but  she  had  thought  of  him  as  he  was.  Etzel  himself  tells  her 
of  the  fearful  apparition  which  had  drawn  him  from  the  Rome 
he  had  come  to  conquer,  and  which  had  made  him  beg  for  the 
blessings  of  the  pope  whom  he  had  sworn  to  slay.  All  this 
has  sunk  so  deeply  into  his  heart  that  no  bloody  project  entices 
him.  Yet  when  his  own,  his  only  child  and  heir,  is  cruelly 
murdered,  the  old  passions  come  sweeping  over  him  in  a  tidal 
wave,  his  true  nature,  no  longer  subdued  by  the  effects  of  the 
terrible  phenomenon,  asserts  itself,  and  now  he  is  ready  to 
show  them  all  the  savage  wildness  and  relentlessness  which 
characterized  him  when,  unacquainted  with  civilization,  he 
broke  forth  from  his  desert. 

Dietrich's  connection  with  Etzel's  realm  and  with  the  final 
outcome  of  the  struggle  has  an  element  of  the  symbolic.  He 
came  of  his  own  free  will  to  serve  at  Etzel's  court,  just  seven 
years  before  the  last  events  take  place ;  he,  the  mightiest  of  the 
world,  had  come  and  laid  his  sword  and  crown  before  Etzel; 
thus  his  entrance  into  Etzel's  service  coincides  in  time  with 
Kriemhild's  second  marriage,  and  from  the  fact  of  this 


206 

mysterious  coincidence,  as  well  as  from  the  part  that  Dietrich 
plays  in  the  development  of  the  tragedy,  we  feel  there  is  some- 
thing symbolic,  something  beyond  mere  human  ken,  in  his  pres- 
ence among  the  Huns.  He  tells  Iring  and  Thuring  that  the 
day  draws  nigh  when  they  shall  learn  his  reasons  for  coming. 
Every  one  recognizes  his  physical  prowess  and  moral  greatness ; 
they  look  to  him  as  though  he  were  there  to  set  a  dam  to  fire  and 
water,  and  to  point  the  right  way  to  sun  and  moon.  Hildebrant 
knows  that  Dietrich  has  vowed  service  for  a  definite  period. 
And  the  time  is  now  over,  so  he  begs  him  to  interfere  in  the 
struggle,  and  Dietrich,  in  a  half-acknowledgment  that  he  has 
seen  this  final  struggle  from  the  first,  declares  that  if  the  heroes 
die  he  will  remain  what  he  is,  for  this  he  had  placed  as  a  sign 
whether  he  should  again  bear  the  crown  or  remain  a  vassal 
until  his  death.  He  chooses  the  part  of  onlooker  at  the  struggle, 
and  voluntarily  renews  his  vow  of  service  until  death.  Only 
when  Etzel  himself  is  about  to  take  active  part  in  the  fight  does 
he  feel  forced  to  assume  the  r61e  of  combatant,  and  when  Etzel, 
in  sorrow  and  the  powerlessness  of  despair,  begs  Dietrich  to 
take  the  crown,  his  acceptance  is  in  the  name  of  Him  who  died 
on  the  cross. 

4.     THE    MYTHICAL    AND    MYSTICAL 

As  a  wholly  subordinate,  though  exceedingly  important  part 
of  the  drama,  Hebbel  regarded  an  admixture  of  the  mystical, 
and  this  admixture  lay  preeminently  in  the  material  before 
him.  "How  far  does  the  marvellous,  the  mystical,  belong  in 
modern  poetic  art?"  he  asks  in  his  journal  for  March  n,  1847 ; 
and  replies  to  his  own  question :  "  Only  in  so  far  as  it  remains 
elementary.  That  is,  the  gloomy,  ominous  feelings  and  fan- 
cies on  which  it  rests,  and  which  tremble  before  something 
hidden  and  secret  in  nature,  before  an  inherent  capacity  of 
deviating  from  her  course,  may  be  aroused,  but  they  must  not 
be  moulded  into  concrete  forms,  such  as  apparitions  of  ghosts 
and  spirits ;  for  the  world-consciousness  has  outgrown  the  belief 
in  the  latter,  while  those  feelings  themselves  are  of  everlasting 
nature."  * 

Tgb.  III.  4101. 


207 

As  early  as  his  student  days  in  Munich,  he  had  thought  over 
the  subject  of  the  use  of  the  mystical  and  with  similar  conclu- 
sions: "We  mortals  are  assuredly  capable  of  fear  and  presenti- 
ment; the  poet,  therefore,  is  certainly  permitted  to  make  use 
also  of  such  motives  as  he  can  obtain  only  from  these  dim  re- 
gions. But  two  things  he  must  observe.  In  the  first  place, 
he  must  here  less  than  ever  fall  into  the  purely  capricious,  for 
then  he  becomes  absurd.  This  he  avoids  by  listening  to  the 
voices  of  the  people  and  of  the  saga,  and  creating  only  from 
those  elements  which  they,  who  have  long  listened  to  every- 
thing really  awesome  in  nature,  have  hallowed.  In  the  second 
place,  he  must  guard  against  creating  such  fantastic  pictures 
as  only  concern  a  single  person,  perhaps  him  whom  he  con- 
nects with  them  in  his  poem,  in  order  to  make  them  everywhere 
active;  only  that  spectral  circle  do  I  fear  before  whose  eddies 
I  am  not  safe."  * 

In  1845,  while  in  Rome,  he  had  read  and  criticised  two  of 
Calderon's  dramas,  and,  in  doing  so,  had  emphasized  the  neces- 
sity for  establishing  and  humanizing  mystery  if  it  be  used  in 
poetry,  and  in  avoiding  the  method  of  treating  it  like  a  magic 
ring  which  is  put  on  the  finger  and  which  then  produces  new 
wonders.2 

A  certain  symbolism  he  felt,  moreover,  to  be  an  effectual  part 
of  the  drama,  not  simply  in  its  idea,  but  in  every  one  of  its  ele- 
ments, and  it  was  his  aim  to  raise  the  merely  anecdotal  to  the 
symbolical.3 

In  nearly  all  of  Hebbel's  plays  we  see  an  element  of  mys- 
ticism and  symbolism,  that  "mystic  breath,"  that  "ominous 
mixture  of  light  and  shade,  which  is  most  compatible  with  the 
intrepidity  of  his  thinking."  *  It  is  some  unknown  vision  of 
terror  which  has  appeared  to  Judith's  husband  in  the  wedding 
night,  an  equally  mysterious  apparition  has  maddened  Klaus 
in  "  Genoveva,"  and  has  turned  Etzel  from  his  deeds  of  savage 
bloodshed.  Symbolic,  too,  in  "  Judith,"  are  the  forms  of  Sam- 
uel, who  must  go  about  crying  out  vengeance  against  himself, 
and  of  Daniel,  the  dumb,  whose  tongue  is  loosened  so  long  as 
Jehovah  requires  his  service.  Symbolic  is  the  defiance  of 

1  Tgb.  I.  1055.       2  Tgb.  III.  3297.      *  Tgb.  II.  2414,  3158.      *  Kuh,  I.  178. 


208 

death  by  which  Golo  seeks  a  sign  whether  he  shall  perish  un- 
sullied or  live  a  villain.  Symbolic  is  the  consecration  of  his 
sword  by  Genoveva,  and  Golo's  later  breaking  of  it;  myste- 
rious is  the  witchcraft  of  old  Margaretha  and  her  deception  of 
Siegfried  by  means  of  the  "glass  of  truth."  In  "Herodes  und 
Mariamne,"  we  have  the  symbolic  entrance  of  the  three  kings, 
heralding  a  new  era,  and  the  vision  of  the  new  era  which  is 
dawning.  In  "Gyges  und  sein  Ring"  prevails  the  deep  sym- 
bolism and  mysticism  which  prepares  us  for  the  use  of  the 
symbolic  and  the  mysterious  in  the  "Nibelungen."  Werner,  in 
his  introduction  to  the  tragedy,  points  out  how  Hebbel  has 
refined  the  use  of  the  veil,  and  symbolized  its  significance  by 
making  it  a  part  of  Rhodope's  very  being,  and  how  he  has  em- 
ployed the  diamond  about  her  neck  in  his  characteristic  and 
deeply  mysterious  manner;  how  he  has  made  use  of  the  ring 
of  invisibility  as  an  expressed  symbol  of  the  sort  that  the  poet 
valued  so  highly,  but  as  symbol  only,  for  never  does  Hebbel 
allow  one  of  his  symbols  to  act  as  formative  motive,  but  only 
as  a  human  adjunct. 

Friedrich  von  Uechtritz,  in  his  splendid  letter  of  criticism 
on  "  Gyges,"  understood  how  to  regard  and  to  value  this  em- 
ployment of  mystic  elements.  "There  is,  of  course,  in  the 
material,  something  of  that  strange,  remote,  and  unusual  ele- 
ment by  which  you  are  evidently  wont  to  be  especially  attracted ; 
not  so  much  by  far  as  this  is  the  case,  for  example,  in  Kleist's 
Penthesilea,  but  still  touching  slightly  upon  it.  Only  here 
the  welcome  difference  is  especially  set  forth,  that  this  time 
everything  has  been  done  on  your  part,  in  order  not  to  increase 
what  is  strange  and  remote  in  the  material  through  the  execu- 
tion, but  rather  to  alleviate,  to  place  it  in  a  light,  a  coloring, 
a  significance,  which  acts  as  intermediary  between  it  and  our 
feelings,  and  forms  the  poem  over  to  an  experience  which  is 
close  to  us  in  spirit,  which  corresponds  to  our  narrow  circles 
of  civilization  and  of  feeling."  1 

Vischer,  as  we  have  seen,  particularly  emphasized  the  advan- 
tages for  operatic  treatment  which  the  Nibelungen  offered  in 
its  mythical  elements,  and  Hebbel  was  not  afraid  to  employ 

1  Bw.  II.  226. 


209 

this  mythical  background  as  Geibel  had  been;  he  grasped 
eagerly  at  the  opportunity  of  portraying  his  human  characters 
with  the  old  mythical  setting,  as  giving  the  ancient  atmosphere 
to  the  whole  which  is  necessary  to  cast  the  natural  light  and  the 
glow  of  belief  on  the  gigantic  outlines  of  the  heroes. 

Hebbel,  then,  did  not  shrink  from  explaining  Brunhild's 
mysterious  origin  and  position  in  the  transition-world  and  by 
so  doing  adding  new  inventive  touches  to  her  history  and 
meaning  as  a  changeling  of  divine  origin.  Dietrich,  too,  ex- 
plains, in  the  lines  which  were  later  stricken  out,  the  history  of 
Siegfried's  birth,  and  their  joint  significance.  The  child  which 
is  conceived  in  the  one  favorable  moment  of  a  thousand  years, 
draws  into  himself  the  strength  of  all  animals,  and  while  still 
in  the  cradle  breaks  iron  as  the  strongest  man  breaks  wood.  At 
the  moment  of  his  conception,  the  bride  is  wakened  for  him  who 
shall  bear  him  wonder-children,  and  threaten  the  world  with 
destruction.  Then  the  threatened  world  rouses  to  defence, 
and  produces  the  human  bride  who  is  to  fight  with  the  super- 
human creature,  and  who,  if  she  gains  the  victory,  will  let  the 
world  move  on  in  peace  another  thousand  years;  but  these 
three  must  die  in  the  struggle  of  the  old  with  the  new,  the  last 
desperate  fight  of  the  dying  age  against  the  incoming  belief 
and  culture  of  the  dawning  era.  It  is  an  assertion  of  the  fact 
that  after  great  periods  of  time  the  world's  opinions  and  beliefs 
change,  and  that  with  each  change  occurs  a  struggle,  a  combat, 
when  the  leaders  in  the  struggle  must  be  sacrificed  for  the 
general  progress.  Dietrich's  whole  connection  with  the  play 
breathes  a  symbolical  import,  as  though  he  were  placed  in  the 
world,  a  man  of  surpassing  moral  and  physical  greatness,  to 
await  the  crucial  moment  of  decision,  and  to  set  his  seal  on  the 
final  outcome,  by  standing  as  the  representative  of  the  new  faith. 
Mysterious  is  the  knowledge  which  he  had  acquired  at  the  Nixie's 
well,  when  the  world's  great  changes  were  recounted,  and  when  he 
heard  a  year  named.  Is  this  the  year  for  which  he  is  waiting  at 
the  end  of  his  seven  years  of  service  ?  Is  he  a  conscious  regulator 
of  the  world's  woes,  a  reformer,  with  his  inspiration  for  reforma- 
tion imbibed  at  the  Nixie's  well?  To  all  these  questions  we 
are  given  no  definite  answer.  It  is  intended  as  a  part  of  the 


210 

breath  of  mystery  which  casts  its  veil  over  the  great  forms  in  the 
"  Nibelungen,"  and  makes  us  believe  in  their  marvellous  deeds, 
and  realize  their  true  symbolic  importance  in  the  world- 
drama. 

Symbolic,  too,  is  the  figure  of  the  Pilgrim,  the  representative  of 
the  extreme  phase  of  the  modern  belief ;  in  reality  a  proud  duke 
who  wanders  from  house  to  house  begging  for  a  blow  for  his 
misdeeds,  and  a  piece  of  bread  for  his  hunger.  A  man,  who, 
seized  by  the  pangs  of  an  over-sensitive  conscience,  thinks  him- 
self unworthy  of  the  throne,  and  the  wife  and  the  children  that 
have  fallen  to  his  lot,  and  who,  therefore,  turns  away  from  his 
door-sill  even  after  ten  years  of  begging,  and  continues  his  life 
of  wandering  poverty.  Symbolic,  also,  is  the  use  of  the  silent 
figure  of  Eckewart,  loyally  devoted  to  his  mistress,  yet  striving 
to  warn  the  Burgundians. 

Nor  does  Hebbel  shrink  from  the  single  mythical  features 
which  are  so  much  a  part  of  the  whole  that  one  must  simply 
take  them  for  granted  as  believed  and  not  attempt  to  explain 
them.  So  we  have  the  dragon  episode,  with  all  its  attendant 
circumstances  as  a  matter  of  past  history,  and  Siegfried  enters 
as  the  possessor  of  hoard  and  Tarnkappe,  protected  by  a  skin 
of  horn,  and  understanding  the  speech  of  birds.  Where  Hebbel 
perhaps  overstepped  the  mark  in  giving  to  his  heroes  their 
superhuman  wrapping,  was  in  ascribing  to  Siegfried  the  size  of 
a  giant,  and  to  Dietrich  superhuman  physical  strength.  Neither 
feature  was  necessary  for  delineating  the  two  characters,  nor 
for  our  understanding  of  them,  and  each  one  offers  difficulties 
for  stage  presentation. 

The  symbolic  feature  of  the  dwarfs,  those  dwellers  in  caverns 
and  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  as  guardians  of  the  wonderful 
hoard,  is  emphasized  in  the  scene  in  which  they  bear  the  treas- 
ure to  Worms;  and  the  curse  on  the  hoard  which  the  writer 
of  the  Nibelungenlied  did  not  know  of,  is  brought  out  in  the 
marvellous  vision  of  Volker,  where  he  sees  the  destruction- 
bringing  power  of  the  gold,  and  sketches  its  history.  Still 
earlier,  in  "  Kriemhilds  Rache,"  Hagen,  with  his  far-seeing  eye 
of  gloom,  had  realized  its  evil  power: — 


211 

Die  Nibelungen  haben  ihren  Vater 

Um  Gold  erschlagen,  um  dasselbe  Gold, 

Das  Siegfried  an  den  Rhein  gebracht.    Wer  hatte 

Sich's  wohl  gedacht,  bevor  sie's  wirklich  thaten? 

Doch  ist's  gescheh'n  und  wird  noch  oft  gescheh'n.1 

And  even  when  the  gold  was  first  brought,  the  knight  Truchs 
had  recalled  the  old  saying  that  magic  gold  is  still  more  thirsty 
for  blood  than  a  dried  sponge  for  water. 

Hebbel  delights,  too,  in  emphasizing  the  magic  power  of 
the  runes,  and  in  retaining  the  significant  dreams  of  the  old 
epic,  and  even  adding  new  ones,  such  as  that  of  Volker,  where 
he  sees  all  the  Burgundians  bleeding  from  wounds,  but  each 
with  his  wound  in  the  back,  as  though  it  had  been  given  by  a 
murderer,  not  by  a  warrior.  The  prophecy  of  the  mermaids 
is  also  given  a  place  in  the  darkening  picture  of  approaching 
destruction,  and  Hebbel  has,  as  we  have  seen,  intended  a  some- 
what similar,  though  far  more  symbolical  and  far-reaching 
prophecy  in  the  reported  scene  at  the  Nixie's  well,  where  the 
later  events  are  shadowed  forth  in  mysterious  and  interrupted 
whisperings.  The  Norse  god-world  is  introduced,  not  simply 
to  supply  the  deficiencies  of  the  epic  transmission,  but  also  to 
give  the  background  of  the  old  belief  which  is  dying  out  slowly 
but  surely. 

Hebbel's  frequent  fault,  throughout  his  dramas,  was  in  em- 
phasizing and  enlarging  upon  the  mysterious  and  symbolical, 
rather  than  keeping  it  in  the  background.  So  here  Dietrich's 
significance  did  not  need  heightening  through  the  Nixie's 
prophecies,  nor  did  his  meaning  as  Christian  hero  gain  by  this 
touch  of  old  Germanic  mythology  and  magic.  Neither  is  the 
introduction  of  the  Pilgrim  a  real  addition  to  the  play,  for  we 
have  heard  of  this  extreme  side  of  Christianity  before,  even  of 
saints  and  penitents  who  creep  into  caves  and  starve,  if  some 
bird  does  not  bring  them  food,  or  who  climb  steep  cliffs  and 
cling  there  until  the  wind  hurls  them  down.  He,  at  most, 
through  Dietrich's  explanation,  and  through  Hagen's  reply:  — 

Ihr  sprecht,  wie  unser 
Kaplan  am  Rhein, 

1  2884-2888. 


212 

serves  to  emphasize  the  background  of  Christianity  against 
which  the  emotions  of  hatred  and  desire  for  vengeance  are 
playing  their  deadly  r61e. 

Certain  minor  touches  of  mystery  and  mysticism  which  have 
already  been  mentioned  under  the  head  of  inventions  rather 
detract  from  than  add  to  the  general  effect:  so  the  invented 
mythological  details  and  the  features  given  to  the  Nibelungen 
knights  and  to  the  Burgundian  warriors. 

Yet  Hebbel  was  justified  in  defending  the  humanness  of  his 
characters,  for  the  mystical  and  mythical  impress  us  in  most 
cases  as  a  part  of  the  atmospheric  setting;  and  he  was  right 
when  he  declared  that  he  had  never  permitted  himself  to  borrow 
a  motive  from  the  dark  region  of  indeterminate  and  indeter- 
minable forces;  that  he  had  confined  himself  to  catching  up 
the  wonderful  lights  and  colors  which  steep  our  actually  exist- 
ing world  in  a  new  splendor  without  changing  it.  "The 
Gyges  is  possible  without  the  ring,  the  Nibelungen  is  possible 
without  the  horned  skin  and  the  Tarn-cap."  * 

Whatever  Hebbel's  faults  in  the  dramatization  of  the  Nibe- 
lungenlied,  they  are  those  of  detail  rather  than  of  ensemble, 
for  each  character  stands  out  clearly  and  humanly  in  the  great 
aggregate,  and  he  has  saved  his  structures  from  an  epic  reci- 
tation of  detail  and  episode  which  the  nature  of  the  material 
made  it  difficult  to  avoid. 

The  merit  of  Hebbel  is  that  he  has  succeeded  in  retaining 
the  marvellous  mythical  background  without  making  his  char- 
acters either  impossible  monsters  or  demigods;  that  he  has 
humanized  without  trivializing  them;  that  he  has  made  them 
step  out  of  the  epic  mass  of  his  material  as  real  dramatic  char- 
acters, living,  breathing,  speaking,  and  acting  before  us;  that 
he  has  retained  the  outlines  of  the  characters  and  the  action  as 
no  other  dramatizer  of  the  material  has  done ;  and  that  he  has 
strengthened,  and  motivated,  and  deepened  both  characters 
and  plot,  and  raised  the  whole  to  a  world-drama  of  universal 
significance,  while  retaining  in  unblemished  purity  the  picture 
offered  in  the  Nibelungenlied. 

1  Bw.  II.  189;  Tgb.  IV.  6085. 


CHAPTER   VI 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

i.   BOOKS   CONSULTED   AND   CITED 

Bartels,    Adolf.      Christian    Friedrich    Hebbel.      (Dichter-Biographien. 

Dritter  Band.     Universal-Bibliothek.     Nr.  3998.)     Leipzig.     Reclam. 
The  same.    Die  deutsche  Dichtung  der  Gegenwart.    Die  Alten  und  die 

Jungen.      Fiinfte    verbesserte    Auflage.      Leipzig,   1903.     Friedrich 

Hebbel  und    Otto    Ludwig.    pp.  16-40. 
Bartsch,  Karl  Friedrich.    Das  Nibelungenlied.    Fiinfte  Auflage.    Deutsche 

Classiker  des  Mittelalters  mit  Wort-  und  Sacherklarungen.     Dritter 

Band.     1879. 
Bohrig,  Karl.    Die  Probleme  der  Hebbelschen  Tragodien.    Rathenow, 

1899. 
Braunfels,  Dr.  Ludwig.    Das  Nibelungen-Lied.    Ubersetzt.    Frankfurt  a. 

M.,  1846. 
Bugge,    Sophus.      Norroen    fornkvaedi;    islandsk    samling    af   folkilige 

oldtidsdigte  om  nordens  guder  og  heroer  almindelig  kaldet  Saemundar 

edda  hins  fro«a;   Christiania,  1867. 
Bulthaupt,    Heinrich.     Dramaturgic    des    Schauspiels.    III.    Oldenburg 

und  Leipzig.    Vierte  Auflage,  1894. 
Busch,  Moritz.     Deutscher  Volksglaube.     Leipzig,  1877. 
Chamberlain,  Houston  Stewart.    Das  Drama  Richard  Wagners.    Leipzig, 

1892. 
Coar,  John  Firman.     Studies  in  German  Literature  in  the  Nineteenth 

Century.    New  York,  1903.    Ludwig,  Wagner,  Hebbel.    pp.  226-269. 
Dingelstedt,  Franz.     Literarisches  Bilderbuch.     Berlin,  1878.     Friedrich 

Hebbel.    Frei  nach  Kuh,  Valdeck  &  Co.    pp.  187-239. 
Ettmiiller,  Ludwig.      Die  Lieder  der  Edda  von  den  Nibelungen.    Stab- 

reimende  Verdeutschung  nebst  Erlauterungen.     Zurich,  1837. 
Fischer,  Dr.  Hermann.     Die  Forschungen  iiber  das  Nibelungenlied  seit 

Karl  Lachmann.     Leipzig,  1874. 
Fouque",  Friedrich  Baron  de  la  Motte.    Der  Held  des  Nordens  in  drei 

Theilen.    Ausgewahlte  Werke.    Ausgabe  letzter  Hand.     I.-III.  Halle, 

1841. 
The  same.     Sigurd  der  Schlangentodter.    Deutsche  National-Litteratur 

herausgegeben  von  Joseph  Kiirschner.     CXL.    Herausgegeben  von 

Prof.  Dr.  Max  Koch.     Stuttgart. 

213 


214 

Frankl,    Ludwig   August.     Zur  Biographic   Friedrich  Hebbels.     Wien. 

Pest.    Leipzig,  1884. 
Fries,  Dr.  Albert.    Vergleichende  Studien  zu  Hebbels  Fragmenten  nebst 

Miscellaneen   zu  seinen  Werken  und  Tagebiichern.     Berlin,    1903. 

(Berliner  Beitrdge  zur  germ,  und  rom.  Philologie.     XXIV.) 
Gartner,  Dr.  Wilhelm.     Chuonrad,  Pralat  von  G6ttweih,  und  das  Nibe- 

lungenlied.    Eine  Beantwortung  der  Nibelungenfrage.    Pest.    Wien. 

Leipzig,  1857. 
Geibel,  Emanuel.    Brunhild.    Eine  Tragodie  aus  der  Nibelungensage. 

Stuttgart  und  Augsburg,  1857.     Gesammelte  Werke  VI.     Stuttgart, 

1893. 
Georgy,  Ernst  August.    Die  Tragodie   Friedrich  Hebbels  nach  ihrem 

Ideengehalt.    Leipzig,  1904. 
Gering,  Hugo.    Die  Lieder  der  sogenannten  alteren  Edda,  nebst  einem 

Anhang:    Die  mythischen  und  heroischen  Erzahlungen  der  Snorra 

Edda.    Ubersetzt  und  erlautert.    Leipzig  und  Wien,  1892. 
Gnad,    Dr.    Ernst.     Literarische  Essays.     Neue   Folge.     Wien,    1895. 

Friedrich  Hebbel  und  die  Nibelungentragodie.    pp.  75-109. 
Golther,  Wolfgang.    Das  lied  vom  hiirnen  Seyfrid  mit  einem  Anhange: 

Das  Volksbuch  vom  gehornten  Siegfried.     Halle  a.  S.,  1889. 
The    same.     Die    sagengeschichtlichen    Grundlagen    der    Ringdichtung 

Richard  Wagners.     Charlottenburg,  1902. 
Grenzboten.    XXL,  Leipzig,  1862.    pp.  172-179. 
Grimm,  Briider.     Deutsche  Sagen.     2  Bde.      3te  Auflage.     Besorgt  von 

Hermann  Grimm.     Berlin,  1891. 
The  same.     Kinder  und  Hausmarchen.     2  Bde.    5te  Auflage.     Gottingen, 

1843. 

Grimm,  Jakob.    Deutsche  Mythologie.    3te  Auflage.     Gottingen,  1854. 
Grimm,  Wilhelm.     Die  deutsche  Heldensage.     Gottingen,  1829. 
Gruener,    Gustav.    The  Nibelungenlied  and  Saga  in   Modern   Poetry. 

(Publications  of  the  Modern  Language  Association  0}  America.    XL, 

1896.     pp.  220-257.) 
Hagen,  Friedrich  Heinrich  von  der.    Volsunga-  und  Ragnars-Saga  nebst 

der    Geschichte    von    Nornagest.    Ubersetzt.     2te    Auflage.    Vollig 

umgearbeitet  von  Dr.  Anton  Edzardi.     (Altdeutsche  und  altnordische 

Helden-Sagen,  III.)     Stuttgart,  1880. 
Hanke,  R.     Friedrich  Hebbels  Nibelungentrilogie  und  das  Nibelungenlied. 

Leitmeritz,  1868. 
Hebbel,  Friedrich.    Briefe.    Nachlese.    Unter  Mitwirkung  Fritz  Lemmer- 

mayers  herausgegeben  von  R.  M.  Werner.    Zwei  Bande.    Berlin, 

1900. 
The    same.    Briefwechsel   mit   Freunden   und   beruhmten   Zeitgenossen 

herausgegeben  von  Felix  Bamberg.     Zwei  Bande.     Berlin,   1890- 

1892. 

The  same.     Die  Nibelungen.     Ein  deutsches  Trauerspiel  in  drei  Abthei- 
.lungen.      I  .-II.    Hamburg,  1862. 


215 

The  same.      Samtliche    Werke.    Historisch-kritische    Ausgabe    besorgt 

von  Richard  Maria  Werner.    Zwolf  Bande.    Berlin,   1901-1903. 
Zweite  Abteilung.     Tagebiicher.     Vier  Bande.     1903. 
Dritte  Abteilung.    Briefe.    Sechs  Bande.     1905.- l 
The  same.    Samtliche  Werke  mit  Einleitungen  und  Anmerkungen  von  Emil 

Kuh,  neu  herausgegeben  von  Hermann  Krumm  mit  einer  biographi- 

schen  Einleitung  von  Adolf  Stern.     Leipzig,  1898. 
The    same.     Tagebiicher.    Herausgegeben    von    Felix    Bamberg.    Zwei 

Bande.     Berlin,   1885-1887. 
The  same.     Werke.     Herausgegeben  von  Dr.  Karl  Zeiss.     Kritisch  durch- 

gesehene  und  erlauterte  Ausgabe.     Leipzig  und  Wien. 
Hebbel-Kalender  fiir  1905.     Ein  Jahrbuch  herausgegeben  von  Richard 

Maria  Werner  und  Walther  Bloch.    Berlin,  1904. 
Holtzmann,   Dr.   Adolf.      Untersuchungen    iiber    das    Nibelungenlied. 

Stuttgart,  1854. 
Jahn,   Dr.   Ulrich.    Volkstiimliches  in   Glaube  und  Brauch,   Sage  und 

Marchen.     (Anleitung  zur  deutschen    Landes-  und    Volksforschung, 

herausgegeben  von  Alfred  Kirchof.     X.      pp.  433-480.)     Stuttgart, 

1889. 
J6nsson,  Finnur.      Eddalieder.      Altnordische  gedichte  mythologischen 

und  heroischen  Inhalts.     I.-II.     Halle  a.  S.,  1888-1890. 
Koch,  Dr.  Ernst.    Die  Sage  vom  Kaiser  Friedrich  im  Kyffhauser.    Uber- 

blick  iiber  die  moderne  Nibelungendichtung.     Leipzig,  1886. 
The  same.     Richard  Wagners  Buhnenfestspiel  Der  Ring  des  Nibelungen 

in  seinem  Verhaltnis  zur  alten  Sage  wie  zur  modernen  Nibelungen- 
dichtung betrachtet.     Leipzig,  1875. 
Krumm,  Johannes.     Friedrich  Hebbel.     Der  Genius.     Die  kiinstlerische 

Personlichkeit.     Drama  und  Tragodie.     Flensburg,  1899. 
Kuh,  Emil.     Biographie  Friedrich  Hebbels.     Zwei  Bande.     Wien,  1877. 
Kulke,  Eduard.     Erinnerungen  an  Friedrich  Hebbel.     Wien,  1878. 
Lachmann,  Karl.    Der  Nibelunge  Noth  und  die  Klage.    Elfter  Abdruck 

des  Textes.     Berlin,  1892. 
Marcellinus,  Ammianus.     Rerum  Gestarum  Libri  qui  supersunt.  recensuit 

notisque  selectis  instruxit  von  Gardthausen.     Leipzig,  1874-1875. 
Meinck,  Dr.  Ernst.      Die  sagenwissenschaftlichen  Grundlagen  der  Nibe- 
lungendichtung Richard  Wagners.     Berlin,  1892. 
Meyer,  Elard  Hugo.    Deutsche  Volkskunde.     Strassburg,  1898. 
Mogk,  Eugen.     Die  germanische  Heldendichtung  mit  besonderer  Rvick- 

sicht  auf  die  Sage  von  Siegfried  und  Brunhild.     Leipzig,  1895. 
Muth,   Richard  von.      Einleitung  in  das  Nibelungenlied.      Paderborn, 

1877. 
Nietzsche,  Friedrich.     Die  Geburt  der  Tragodie  aus  dem  Geiste  der  Musik. 

Werke  I.  pp.  15-172.     Leipzig,  1899. 
The    same.      Unzeitgemassige    Betrachtungen.     I.  4.  Stiick.     Richard 

Wagner  in  Bayreuth.     pp.  495-589. 

1  At  the  present  writing,  two  volumes  have  appeared. 


216 

The   same.      Werke   VIII.     Der   Fall   Wagner,     pp.    1-51.     Gotzen- 

Dammerung.     pp.  59-174.     Nietzsche  contra  Wagner,     pp.   183- 

209. 
Pfeiffer,  Franz.    Der  Dichter  des  Nibelungenliedes.    Ein  Vortrag  gehalten 

in  der  feierlichen  Sitzung  der  kais.  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften. 

Wien,  1862. 
Poppe,  Theodor.     Studien  zur  Charakteristik  des  Hebbelschen  Dramas. 

Berlin,    1899. 
The  same.    Friedrich  Hebbel  und  sein  Drama.    Beitrage  zur  Poetik. 

(Palaestra,  VIII.)    Berlin,  1900. 
Ranisch,  Wilhelm.    Die  Volsungasaga.     Nach  Bugges  Text  mit  Einleitung 

und  Glossar.    Berlin,  1891. 
Raszmann,  August.    Die  deutsche  Heldensage  und  ihre  Heimat.    Zwei 

Bande.    Hannover,  1857-1858. 
Raupach,   Ernst.    Der  Nibelungen-Hort.    Tragodie   in   fiinf  Aufziigen, 

mit  einem  Vorspiel.      Hamburg,  1834.      Dramatische  Werke  ernster 

Gattung.    II.    Hamburg,  1835. 
Rehorn,  Karl.    Die  deutsche  Sage  von  den  Nibelungen  in  der  deutschen 

Poesie.    Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1877. 
Rope,  Georg  Reinhard.     Die  moderne  Nibelungendichtung  mit   beson- 

derer  Riicksicht  auf  Geibel,  Hebbel  und  Jordan.     Hamburg,  1869. 
Scherr,  Dr.  Johannes.    Die  Nibelungen.     In  Prosa  iibersetzt,  eingeleitet 

und  erlautert.     Leipzig,  1860.     Zweite  Ausgabe,  1862. 
Schmidt,  Otto  Ernst.    Buch  der  Hoffnung.    Neue  Folge.    I.    Hamburg, 

1896.     Friedrich  Hebbel  als  dramatischer  Dichter.     pp.  110-179. 
^Simrock,  Karl.    Das  Nibelungenlied.    Ubersetzt.    Berlin,  1827.     Zweite 

Auflage,    Bonn,    1839.      Dritte   Auflage,    Stuttgart   und   Tubingen, 

1843.    Zehnte  verbesserte  Auflage,  Stuttgart  und  Augsburg,  1856. 
The  same.    Die  Edda  die  altere  und  jiingere  nebst  den  mythischen  Er- 

zahlungen  der  Skalda  Ubersetzt  und  mit   Erlauterungen  begleitet. 

Stuttgart  und  Tubingen,  1851. 
The    same.      Die    deutschen    Volksbucher.      Basel,    1864-1867.      Der 

gehornte  Siegfried.     III.     pp.  365-422. 
Stammhammer,   Josef.    Die  Nibelungen-Dramen   seit   1850  und  deren 

Verhaltnis  zu  Lied  und  Sage.    Leipzig,  1878. 
Stein,  Dr.  A.    Die  Nibelungensage  im  deutschen  Trauerspiel.     Program, 

Mulhausen,  1882-1883. 
Stern,  Adolf.    Studien  zur  Litteratur  der  Gegenwart.    Dresden,   1898, 

pp.  1-38. 
Treitschke,  Heinrich  von.    Historische  und  politische  Aufsatze.    Vierte 

vermehrte   Auflage.      I.      Leipzig,  1871.      Friedrich    Hebbel.     pp. 

458-483- 
Uhland,   Ludwig.    Schriften   zur  Geschichte  der  Dichtung  und   Sage. 

I.     Stuttgart,  1865. 
Vischer,  Friedrich  Theodor.    Kritische  Gange.     Tubingen,  1844.     Vor- 

schlag  zu  einer  Oper.    II.    pp.  399-436. 


217 

Vossische  Zeilung.  Sonntag,  den  8.  Jan.  1905.  Drei  Nibelungenbriefe 
Hebbels.  Mitgeteilt  von  Dr.  H.  H.  Houben. 

Wagner,  Richard.  Gesammelte  Schriften  und  Dichtungen.  I.-X.  Leip- 
zig, 1871-1873. 

The  same.  Die  Wibelungen.  Weltgeschichte  aus  der  Sage.  Leipzig, 
1850.  , 

The  same.  Briefe  an  Theodor  Uhlig,  Wilhelm  Fischer,  Ferdinand  Heine. 
Leipzig,  1888. 

The  same.  Prose  Works  translated  by  William  Ashton  Ellis.  I.-VIII. 
London,  1895-1899. 

Weinhold,  Karl.    Altnordisches  Leben.    Berlin,  1856. 

Weitbrecht,  Carl.    Die  Nibelungen  im  Modernen  Drama.    Zurich,  1892. 

Werner,  Karl.  Die  Entstehung  von  Hebbels  Nibelungen.  (Deutsche 
Dramaturgic,  I.  pp.  244-246.) 

Werner,  Richard  Maria.    Hebbel.    Ein  Lebensbild.    Berlin,  1905. 

Wilken,  Ernst.  Die  prosaische  Edda  im  Auszuge  nebst  Volsungasaga  und 
Nornagests-thattr.  Paderbom,  1877. 

Wolzogen,  Hans  von.  Der  Nibelungenmythos  in  Sage  und  Literatur. 
Berlin,  1876. 

Wuttke,  Dr.  Adolf.  Der  deutsche  Volksaberglaube  der  Gegenwart. 
Dritte  Bearbeitung.  Berlin,  1900. 

Zabel,  Eugen.  Zur  modernen  Dramaturgic.  Studien  und  Kritiken  aus 
alter  und  neuer  Zeit.  Oldenburg  und  Leipzig,  1903.  Friedrich 
Hebbels  Dramen  im  Berliner  Schauspielhause.  pp.  178-210. 

Zarncke,  Friedrich.    Das  Nibelungenlied.    Fiinfte  Auflage.    Leipzig,  1875. 

Zinkernagel,  Franz.  Die  Grundlagen  der  Hebbelschen  Tragodie.  Mar- 
burg, 1904. 

2.   MODERN   VERSIONS   OF   THE   NIBELUNGEN   SAGA 

1557.   Sachs,  Hans.    Der  huernen  Sewfrid. 

1803.  Fouque",  Friedrich  Baron  de  la  Motte.      Der  gehornte  Siegfried 
in  der  Schmiede,  eine  dramatische  Scene.     Friedrich  Schlegels  Eu- 
ropa.  II.  82-87.      Reprinted  in  Gedichte  aus  dem  Junglingsalter, 
1816. 

1804.  Tieck,    Ludwig.    Siegfrieds    Jugend.     Siegfried    der     Drachen- 
todter.    Zwei  Balladen. 

(1806.   Kalchberg,  J.  N.  von.    Attila.    Graz.) l 

1808.   Gorres  Abhandlungen  in  Arniansche  Zeitschrift,  tiber  den  gehSrnten 

Siegfried  und  die  Nibelungen.    Cf.  Teutsche  Volksbiicher  Nr.  15 

for  contents. 

(1808.  Werner,  Zacharias.    Attila.) 
1808.   Fouque*.    Sigurd  der  Schlangentodter.    Hitzig,  Berlin. 

1  Works  which  deal  with  the  saga  little  more  than  in  name  are  enclosed  in 
parentheses. 


218 

i8io.  The  same.    Der  Held  des  Nordens.     Drei  Theile:    Sigurd   der 

Schlangentodter.     Ein  Heldenspiel  in  sechs  Abenteuern.     Sigurds 

Rache.    Ein   Heldenspiel   in   sechs   Abenteuern.     Aslauga.     Ein 

Heldenspiel  in  drei  Abenteuern. 
1809-1811.   Grundtvig,  N.  Frederik  Severin.    Optrin  af   Kjaempelivets 

Undergang  i  Nord.     Kopenhagen. 
1812.  Uhland,    Ludwig.     Siegfrieds    Schwertgewinnung.     Die    Musen, 

herausgegeben  von  Fouque*  und  Neumann. 
1817.  Uhland,    Ludwig.     Die     Nibelungen    (Entwurf).      Zwei    Teile. 

Cf.  Em.  Uhland:  L.  Uhland,  eine  Gabe  fur  seine  Freunde,  1863. 

A.  v.  Keller,  Uhland  als  Dramatiker,  1877. 
1819.  Hermann,  Franz  Rudolph.     Die  Nibelungen.     In  drei  Theilen: 

i.  Der  Nibelungen  Hort.      2.  Siegfried.      3.  Chriemhildens  Rache. 

Leipzig,  F.  A.  Brockhaus. 

1821.  Wachter,  Ferdinand.     Brunhild.     Ein  Trauerspiel  in  fttnf  Auf- 
ziigen.     Jena. 

1822.  Miiller,   Johann  Wilhelm.     Chriemhilds    Rache.    Trauerspiel    in 
drei  Abtheilungen  mit  dem  Chor:  DerSchwur;  Rudeger;  Chriem- 
hilds Ende.     Heidelberg. 

1824.  Eichhorn,  C.  F.  Chriemhildens  Rache.  Ein  Trauerspiel.  Nach 
dem  Nibelungenliede  bearbeitet.  Gottingen. 

1826.  Zarnack,  Joh.  Aug.  Chr.  Siegfrieds  Tod.  Trauerspiel  in  fiinf 
Aufziigen.  Potsdam. 

1830.  Kopisch,  August.  Chriemhild.  (Gesammelte  Werke,  4.  Bd.,  Ber- 
lin, 1856.) 

1834.  Raupach,  Ernst.    Der  Nibelungen-Hort.    First  played   1828.    Cf. 
Bibliography  i. 

1835.  Simrock,  Karl.      Wieland  der  Schmied.       Deutsche  Heldensage 
in  24  Abenteuern.     Bonn. 

1837.  Hagendorff,  Hugo.    Die  Mahr  vom  hornen  Siegfried.     19    Bal- 

laden. 
1839.   Wurm,  Christian.    Die  Nibelungen.     Siegfrieds  Tod,  eine  roman- 

tische  Tragodie  in  fiinf  Akten.    Niirnberg. 

1842.  Consentius.     Konigin  Brunhild. 

(1843.   Griin,  A.     Nibelungen  im  Frack.    Leipzig.) 

1843.  Gorres,  Guido.     Der  hiirnen  Siegfried.     Schaffhausen. 

1844.  Pfarrius,  G.     Chriemhildens  Rache.     Koln  und  Aachen. 

1847.  Wagner,  Richard.     Siegfrieds  Tod. 

1848.  The  same.     Der  Nibelungenmythos  als  Entwurf  zu  einem  Drama. 

1849.  Osterwald,  Wilhelm.     Rudiger  von  Bechlaren.    Ein  Trauerspiel. 
Halle.    Leipzig,  1873. 

1851.   Wagner,  Richard.     Plan   for  the  Nibelungen  in   Eine  Mitteilung 

an  meine  Freunde.    Zurich. 
1853.   Reimar,    Reinald    (Adolf    Glaser).     Kriemhildens    Rache.    Vor- 

spiel  und  fiinf  Acte.    Hamburg. 
1853.   Rustige,  Herm.    Attila.    Played  in  Stuttgart,  1853. 


219 

1853-   Wagner,    Richard.      Der    Ring    des    Nibelungen.      Printed    for 

friends. 
1854.   Gerber,  E.    Die  Nibelungen.    An  opera  in  five  acts,  music  by 

Heinr.  Ludw.  Edmund  Dora.    First  performed  at  Weimar,  Jan.  22, 

1854. 

1856.  Anonymous.    Helke,   Schauspiel  aus  der  deutschen  Heldensage. 
Leipzig. 

1857.  Geibel,  Emanuel.     Brunhild.     Zweite    Auflage,    1861.     English 
translation,  by  George  Theodore  Dippold.     Second  edition,  1883. 
First  performed  at  Munich,   Jan.  3,   1861.      Cf.  Bibliography  i, 
and  GeibeFs  lyric  poems :  Gudruns  Klage  and  Volkers  Nachtgesang. 
Vermischte  Gedichte,  2tes  Buch,  Ges.  Schriften  III. 

1858.  Ibsen,  Henrik.    Hermandene  paa  Helgeland.    Christiania.    Nor- 
dische  Heerfahrt.      Schauspiel  in  vier  Aufziigen  aus  dem  Nor- 
wegischen  von  M.  von  Borch.      Miinchen,   1876.     Reclam  2633. 
The    Vikings    of    Helgeland.    Ibsen's    Prose    Dramas.     English 
translation  edited  by  William  Archer,  III.,  London,  1890. 

1858?  Draseke,  Felix.    Sigurd.    An  opera  mentioned  in  a  letter  of  Franz 

Liszt,  Jan.  12,  1859. 
1862.   Hebbel,  Friedrich.    Die  Nibelungen.     Cf.  Bibliography  i. 

1862.  Rosenberg,    Karl    Frederik.     Andvares   Ring.     Tragisk    Sangspil 
in  tre  Handlinger  med  Forspil.     Kopenhagen. 

1863.  Waldmuller,    Robert.      (Ed.    Diiboc.)      Brunhild.      Trauerspiel. 
Dresden.    Leipzig,  1874.    Reclam  511. 

1863.  Wagner,  Richard.  Der  Ring  des  Nibelungen.  Zweite  Ausgabe, 
Leipzig,  1873.  Ges.  Schriften  V.  257-352,  VI.  1-364. 

1866.  Hosaeus,  Wilhelm.  Kriemhild.  Trauerspiel  in  fiinf  Aufziigen. 
Paderborn. 

1866?  Schenck,  Lothar.    Rudiger.    Paderborn. 

1866.  Naumann,    Ferd.    Das   Nibelungenlied   in   Romanzen.    Leipzig. 
Zweite  Auflage,  Wien,  1875. 

1867.  Wegener,  Wilhelm.    Siegfried  und  Chriemhilde.    Eine  Poetische 
Gestaltung  der  Nibelungensage.     44  Gesange.     Brandenburg. 

1869.  Jordan,    Wilhelm.    Die    Nibelunge.    Erstes    Lied.    Sigfridsage. 
Frankfurt  a.  M. 

1869-1870.  Wagner,  Richard.  Drei  Gedichte:  Rheingold,  Bei  der 
Vollendung  des  Siegfried.  Zum  25.  August  1870.  Ges.  Schriften 

vm.  413-415- 

1870?  Liebhaber,  A.  L.  H.  von.  Kriemhild.  Only  in  MS.,  cf.  Goedeke, 
I.  3,  p.  908. 

1870.  Ettmuller,  Ludwig.    Sigufrid.    In  fiinf  Handlungen.     For  friends. 
1872.   Schottky,  E.     Sigurd.    Schauspiel.    Breslau. 

1875.    Jordan,    Wilhelm.    Die   Nibelunge.    Zweites   Lied.    Hildebrants 

Heimkehr.    Frankfurt  a.  M. 
1875.  Amd,     Friedrich.     Kriemhild.     Leipzig.     Played     in    Weimar, 

1874. 


220 

1875-  Sigismund,  Reinhold.  Chriemhilde.  Tragodie  in  fiinf  Aufzugen. 
Rudolstadt. 

1875.  Dahn,    Felix.    Markgraf    Riideger    von    Bechlaren.    Trauerspiel 
in  fiinf  Aufziigen.     Leipzig.     Samtliche  Werke  poetischen  Inhalts. 
XX.  1898. 

1876.  Feddersen,  F.  A.     Nibelungenkranz.    24  Balladen  und  Dichtungen. 
Siegfrieds  Tod.     Chriemhilds  Rache.    Hamburg. 

1876.  Morris,  William.  The  Story  of  Sigurd  the  Volsung  and  the  Fall  of 
the  Niblungs.  London. 

1876.  Wagner.    Der  Ring  des  Nibelungen.     (Entire.) 

1877.  Schack,  U.  v.    Siegfrieds  Tod.     Ein  Trauerspiel. 

1877.  Wilbrandt,   Adolf.      Kriemhild.      Wien.      Awarded   the    Schiller 
prize. 

1878.  Sigismund,  Reinhold.     Brynhilde.     Tragodie  in  fiinf  Aufziigen. 
Rudolstadt. 

1880.  Veihel-Muller,  Irmin  v.  Die  Nibelungen.  Ein  Dramen-Cyclus. 
Erster  Teil,  Brunhilt.  Schauspiel  in  fiinf  Aufzugen.  Pfingstadt. 

1882-1883.  Treptow,  Leon.  Der  Nibelungenring.  Eine  Posse.  Played 
in  Leipzig,  1883. 

No  date.    Fischer,  Wilhelm.     Siegfried.    Trauerspiel.    Reudnitz-Leipzig. 

1884.  du  Locle,  Camille,  et  Blau,  Emil.  Sigurd.  Ope'ra  en  quatre  actes 
et  neuf  tableaux.  Musique  par  Ernest  Reyer.  Paris. 

1884.   Gjellerup,  Karl  Adolf.    Brynhild.     Kopenhagen. 

1886.   Melza,  H.     Die  Nibelungen. 

1887-1888.  Siegert,  Georg.  Kriemhild.  Erster  teil,  Siegfrieds  Tod.  Trago- 
die in  drei  Aufzugen.  Miinchen,  1887.  Zweiter  Teil,  Kriemhilds 
Rache.  Tragodie  in  zwei  Aufziigen.  Miinchen,  1888. 

1889.   Sommer,  Eduard.     Siegfried.     15  Lieder.    Danzig. 

1889.  Hahn,  Werner.  Kriemhild.  Volksgesang  der  Deutschen  aus 
dem  12.  Jht.  kritisch  wiederhergestellt  ins  Neuhochdeutsche 
tibertragen  und  asthetisch  erlautert.  Eisenach. 

1891.  Grimm,  Heinrich.        Kriemhild.       Musikdrama   in    drei    Akten. 
Aufgefuhrt  in  Augsburg,  1891. 

1892.  Behrendt,  Otto.     Siegfried.    Epos.    Leipzig. 

1893.  Fuchs,  Georg.    Das  Nibelungenlied.    Festspiel.    Musik  von,  Karl 
Pottgiesser.    Aufgefuhrt  in  Dortmund. 


DATE  DUE 


PRINTED  INU.S. A. 


A     000817213     2 


